From ac0bffe71788bf9f3e742b936534ee56b9a6ef99 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: Gaurav Gupta <gaurav.gupta@timesinternet.in>
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2023 09:38:19 +0530
Subject: [PATCH 1/5] fixed untracked fiels

---
 .../Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml  | 11 +++
 ...rg_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml | 11 +++
 ..._org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml | 11 +++
 ..._junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml | 11 +++
 ...nit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml | 11 +++
 ..._platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml | 11 +++
 ...t_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml | 11 +++
 ...radle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml | 11 +++
 wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml                        |  6 ++
 wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml                     | 10 +++
 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml        | 15 ++++
 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml        | 22 +++++
 wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml                   | 82 +++++++++++++++++++
 wc-tool/wc-tool.iml                           | 12 +++
 14 files changed, 235 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/wc-tool.iml

diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b7054e8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/commons-io/commons-io/2.11.0/a2503f302b11ebde7ebc3df41daebe0e4eea3689/commons-io-2.11.0.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/commons-io/commons-io/2.11.0/2ef0187124bbfc7aed3038d4ffdd2241e8992937/commons-io-2.11.0-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b8b7597
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apache.commons/commons-lang3/3.12.0/c6842c86792ff03b9f1d1fe2aab8dc23aa6c6f0e/commons-lang3-3.12.0.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apache.commons/commons-lang3/3.12.0/198b882fdc2c72c89c63401d946f6ba46c3acea3/commons-lang3-3.12.0-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec7423e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.apiguardian:apiguardian-api:1.1.2">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apiguardian/apiguardian-api/1.1.2/a231e0d844d2721b0fa1b238006d15c6ded6842a/apiguardian-api-1.1.2.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apiguardian/apiguardian-api/1.1.2/e0787a997746ac32639e0bf3cb27af8dce8a3428/apiguardian-api-1.1.2-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e4ec376
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-api:5.8.1">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-api/5.8.1/6538b88eb8bf8811bc7b6efb5246f835c15e0bfe/junit-jupiter-api-5.8.1.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-api/5.8.1/a3e13f34a2a47fb2c0d7385c5e6e0e8623194061/junit-jupiter-api-5.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4da4781
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-engine:5.8.1">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-engine/5.8.1/21b86e08aae2720bbf017703669948be96d1388c/junit-jupiter-engine-5.8.1.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-engine/5.8.1/ea87fe3d752e24397f71f347872e79a89c61a704/junit-jupiter-engine-5.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec1b37e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-commons:1.8.1">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-commons/1.8.1/1e362cbe6d0f225b066757865e233972557484/junit-platform-commons-1.8.1.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-commons/1.8.1/386b61876dd33d0ef0381189d3c1db9455d99659/junit-platform-commons-1.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2940fd5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-engine:1.8.1">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-engine/1.8.1/e6c63bf990dc88a6527b4ed617b23e47048f07e0/junit-platform-engine-1.8.1.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-engine/1.8.1/9d87ea7959823714ad803aa91e0618bf2213b52c/junit-platform-engine-1.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c0ad60c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+<component name="libraryTable">
+  <library name="Gradle: org.opentest4j:opentest4j:1.2.0">
+    <CLASSES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.opentest4j/opentest4j/1.2.0/28c11eb91f9b6d8e200631d46e20a7f407f2a046/opentest4j-1.2.0.jar!/" />
+    </CLASSES>
+    <JAVADOC />
+    <SOURCES>
+      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.opentest4j/opentest4j/1.2.0/41d55b3c2254de9837b4ec8923cbd371b8a7eab5/opentest4j-1.2.0-sources.jar!/" />
+    </SOURCES>
+  </library>
+</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cc6eae0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<project version="4">
+  <component name="ProjectRootManager" version="2" default="true">
+    <output url="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/out" />
+  </component>
+</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1f0790d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<project version="4">
+  <component name="ProjectModuleManager">
+    <modules>
+      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/wc-tool.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/wc-tool.iml" />
+      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml" />
+      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml" />
+    </modules>
+  </component>
+</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..22e4f49
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool:main" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.type="sourceSet" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
+  <component name="NewModuleRootManager">
+    <output url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../build/classes/java/main" />
+    <exclude-output />
+    <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main">
+      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main/java" isTestSource="false" />
+      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main/resources" type="java-resource" />
+    </content>
+    <orderEntry type="inheritedJdk" />
+    <orderEntry type="sourceFolder" forTests="false" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0" level="project" />
+  </component>
+</module>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5a9c7cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool:test" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.type="sourceSet" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
+  <component name="NewModuleRootManager">
+    <output-test url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../build/classes/java/test" />
+    <exclude-output />
+    <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test">
+      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test/java" isTestSource="true" />
+      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test/resources" type="java-test-resource" />
+    </content>
+    <orderEntry type="inheritedJdk" />
+    <orderEntry type="sourceFolder" forTests="false" />
+    <orderEntry type="module" module-name="wc-tool.main" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-api:5.8.1" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-commons:1.8.1" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.opentest4j:opentest4j:1.2.0" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" scope="PROVIDED" name="Gradle: org.apiguardian:apiguardian-api:1.1.2" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" scope="RUNTIME" name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-engine:5.8.1" level="project" />
+    <orderEntry type="library" scope="RUNTIME" name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-engine:1.8.1" level="project" />
+  </component>
+</module>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..aa55b52
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
@@ -0,0 +1,82 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<project version="4">
+  <component name="AutoImportSettings">
+    <option name="autoReloadType" value="SELECTIVE" />
+  </component>
+  <component name="ChangeListManager">
+    <list default="true" id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="">
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/ArgumentParserFactory.java" afterDir="false" />
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java" afterDir="false" />
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/WordCount.java" afterDir="false" />
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java" afterDir="false" />
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java" afterDir="false" />
+      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/test.txt" afterDir="false" />
+    </list>
+    <option name="SHOW_DIALOG" value="false" />
+    <option name="HIGHLIGHT_CONFLICTS" value="true" />
+    <option name="HIGHLIGHT_NON_ACTIVE_CHANGELIST" value="false" />
+    <option name="LAST_RESOLUTION" value="IGNORE" />
+  </component>
+  <component name="ExternalProjectsData">
+    <projectState path="$PROJECT_DIR$">
+      <ProjectState />
+    </projectState>
+  </component>
+  <component name="FileTemplateManagerImpl">
+    <option name="RECENT_TEMPLATES">
+      <list>
+        <option value="Interface" />
+        <option value="Class" />
+      </list>
+    </option>
+  </component>
+  <component name="Git.Settings">
+    <option name="RECENT_GIT_ROOT_PATH" value="$PROJECT_DIR$/.." />
+  </component>
+  <component name="MarkdownSettingsMigration">
+    <option name="stateVersion" value="1" />
+  </component>
+  <component name="ProjectId" id="2WEj5ml0rMzSpx88WimhJp5jCMO" />
+  <component name="ProjectViewState">
+    <option name="hideEmptyMiddlePackages" value="true" />
+    <option name="showLibraryContents" value="true" />
+  </component>
+  <component name="PropertiesComponent">{
+  &quot;keyToString&quot;: {
+    &quot;RunOnceActivity.OpenProjectViewOnStart&quot;: &quot;true&quot;,
+    &quot;RunOnceActivity.ShowReadmeOnStart&quot;: &quot;true&quot;
+  }
+}</component>
+  <component name="RunManager">
+    <configuration name="Main" type="Application" factoryName="Application" temporary="true" nameIsGenerated="true">
+      <option name="MAIN_CLASS_NAME" value="com.learning.Main" />
+      <module name="wc-tool.main" />
+      <option name="PROGRAM_PARAMETERS" value="ccwc input.txt" />
+      <extension name="coverage">
+        <pattern>
+          <option name="PATTERN" value="com.learning.*" />
+          <option name="ENABLED" value="true" />
+        </pattern>
+      </extension>
+      <method v="2">
+        <option name="Make" enabled="true" />
+      </method>
+    </configuration>
+    <recent_temporary>
+      <list>
+        <item itemvalue="Application.Main" />
+      </list>
+    </recent_temporary>
+  </component>
+  <component name="SpellCheckerSettings" RuntimeDictionaries="0" Folders="0" CustomDictionaries="0" DefaultDictionary="application-level" UseSingleDictionary="true" transferred="true" />
+  <component name="TaskManager">
+    <task active="true" id="Default" summary="Default task">
+      <changelist id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="" />
+      <created>1696304455138</created>
+      <option name="number" value="Default" />
+      <option name="presentableId" value="Default" />
+      <updated>1696304455138</updated>
+    </task>
+    <servers />
+  </component>
+</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml b/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b4f829a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml
@@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
+<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
+<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
+  <component name="NewModuleRootManager" inherit-compiler-output="true">
+    <exclude-output />
+    <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$">
+      <excludeFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/.gradle" />
+      <excludeFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/build" />
+    </content>
+    <orderEntry type="inheritedJdk" />
+    <orderEntry type="sourceFolder" forTests="false" />
+  </component>
+</module>
\ No newline at end of file

From 4a593f3c7222d817199d92b642e18b04d89b24c0 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: Gaurav Gupta <gaurav.gupta@timesinternet.in>
Date: Thu, 5 Oct 2023 09:38:46 +0530
Subject: [PATCH 2/5] Update workspace.xml

---
 wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml | 9 +--------
 1 file changed, 1 insertion(+), 8 deletions(-)

diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
index aa55b52..e09e9a3 100644
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
+++ b/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
@@ -4,14 +4,7 @@
     <option name="autoReloadType" value="SELECTIVE" />
   </component>
   <component name="ChangeListManager">
-    <list default="true" id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="">
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/ArgumentParserFactory.java" afterDir="false" />
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java" afterDir="false" />
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/command/WordCount.java" afterDir="false" />
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java" afterDir="false" />
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java" afterDir="false" />
-      <change afterPath="$PROJECT_DIR$/test.txt" afterDir="false" />
-    </list>
+    <list default="true" id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="" />
     <option name="SHOW_DIALOG" value="false" />
     <option name="HIGHLIGHT_CONFLICTS" value="true" />
     <option name="HIGHLIGHT_NON_ACTIVE_CHANGELIST" value="false" />

From da2d7647c50490127b8cbb86be487bced616eca2 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: GauravGuptaDeveloper <gauravit1996@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2023 01:15:23 +0530
Subject: [PATCH 3/5] wc-tool 1.0 finish

---
 wc-tool/.gitignore                            |  109 +
 .../Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml  |   11 -
 ...rg_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml |   11 -
 ..._org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml |   11 -
 ..._junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml |   11 -
 ...nit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml |   11 -
 ..._platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml |   11 -
 ...t_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml |   11 -
 ...radle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml |   11 -
 wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml                        |    6 -
 wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml                     |   10 -
 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml        |   15 -
 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml        |   22 -
 wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml                   |   75 -
 wc-tool/build.gradle                          |   27 +
 wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.jar     |  Bin 0 -> 60756 bytes
 .../gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties  |    5 +
 wc-tool/gradlew                               |  240 +
 wc-tool/gradlew.bat                           |   91 +
 wc-tool/input.txt                             |    2 +
 wc-tool/settings.gradle                       |    2 +
 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/Main.java  |   38 +
 .../java/com/learning/command/Commander.java  |    7 +
 .../command/dto/CommandAttribute.java         |   48 +
 .../learning/command/dto/CommandOption.java   |   24 +
 .../com/learning/command/impl/WordCount.java  |   63 +
 .../factory/ArgumentParserFactory.java        |  119 +
 .../com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java     |   65 +
 .../com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java   |   24 +
 wc-tool/test.txt                              | 7137 +++++++++++++++++
 wc-tool/wc-tool.iml                           |    2 +-
 31 files changed, 8002 insertions(+), 217 deletions(-)
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/.gitignore
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/build.gradle
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.jar
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/gradlew
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/gradlew.bat
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/input.txt
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/settings.gradle
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/Main.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandAttribute.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandOption.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/impl/WordCount.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/factory/ArgumentParserFactory.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/test.txt

diff --git a/wc-tool/.gitignore b/wc-tool/.gitignore
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..837c776
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/.gitignore
@@ -0,0 +1,109 @@
+# From https://github.com/github/gitignore/blob/master/Gradle.gitignore
+.gradle
+/build/
+
+# Ignore Gradle GUI config
+gradle-app.setting
+
+
+
+# Cache of project
+.gradletasknamecache
+
+# # Work around https://youtrack.jetbrains.com/issue/IDEA-116898
+# gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties
+
+
+
+# From https://github.com/github/gitignore/blob/master/Java.gitignore
+*.class
+
+# Mobile Tools for Java (J2ME)
+.mtj.tmp/
+
+# Package Files #
+*.jar
+*.war
+*.ear
+
+# Avoid ignoring Gradle wrapper jar file (.jar files are usually ignored)
+!gradle-wrapper.jar
+
+# virtual machine crash logs, see http://www.java.com/en/download/help/error_hotspot.xml
+hs_err_pid*
+
+
+# From https://github.com/github/gitignore/blob/master/Global/JetBrains.gitignore
+# Covers JetBrains IDEs: IntelliJ, RubyMine, PhpStorm, AppCode, PyCharm, CLion, Android Studio and Webstorm
+# Reference: https://intellij-support.jetbrains.com/hc/en-us/articles/206544839
+
+# User-specific stuff:
+.idea/workspace.xml
+.idea/tasks.xml
+.idea/dictionaries
+.idea/vcs.xml
+.idea/jsLibraryMappings.xml
+
+# Sensitive or high-churn files:
+.idea/dataSources.ids
+.idea/dataSources.xml
+.idea/dataSources.local.xml
+.idea/sqlDataSources.xml
+.idea/dynamic.xml
+.idea/uiDesigner.xml
+
+# Gradle:
+.idea/gradle.xml
+.idea/libraries
+
+# Mongo Explorer plugin:
+.idea/mongoSettings.xml
+
+## File-based project format:
+*.iws
+
+## Plugin-specific files:
+
+# IntelliJ
+/out/
+
+# mpeltonen/sbt-idea plugin
+.idea_modules/
+
+# JIRA plugin
+atlassian-ide-plugin.xml
+
+# Crashlytics plugin (for Android Studio and IntelliJ)
+com_crashlytics_export_strings.xml
+crashlytics.properties
+crashlytics-build.properties
+fabric.properties
+
+
+*.DS_Store
+.AppleDouble
+.LSOverride
+
+# Icon must end with two \r
+Icon
+
+
+# Thumbnails
+._*
+
+# Files that might appear in the root of a volume
+.DocumentRevisions-V100
+.fseventsd
+.Spotlight-V100
+.TemporaryItems
+.Trashes
+.VolumeIcon.icns
+.com.apple.timemachine.donotpresent
+
+/.idea
+# Directories potentially created on remote AFP share
+.AppleDB
+.AppleDesktop
+Network Trash Folder
+Temporary Items
+.apdisk
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index b7054e8..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__commons_io_commons_io_2_11_0.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/commons-io/commons-io/2.11.0/a2503f302b11ebde7ebc3df41daebe0e4eea3689/commons-io-2.11.0.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/commons-io/commons-io/2.11.0/2ef0187124bbfc7aed3038d4ffdd2241e8992937/commons-io-2.11.0-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index b8b7597..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apache_commons_commons_lang3_3_12_0.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apache.commons/commons-lang3/3.12.0/c6842c86792ff03b9f1d1fe2aab8dc23aa6c6f0e/commons-lang3-3.12.0.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apache.commons/commons-lang3/3.12.0/198b882fdc2c72c89c63401d946f6ba46c3acea3/commons-lang3-3.12.0-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index ec7423e..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_apiguardian_apiguardian_api_1_1_2.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.apiguardian:apiguardian-api:1.1.2">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apiguardian/apiguardian-api/1.1.2/a231e0d844d2721b0fa1b238006d15c6ded6842a/apiguardian-api-1.1.2.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.apiguardian/apiguardian-api/1.1.2/e0787a997746ac32639e0bf3cb27af8dce8a3428/apiguardian-api-1.1.2-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index e4ec376..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_api_5_8_1.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-api:5.8.1">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-api/5.8.1/6538b88eb8bf8811bc7b6efb5246f835c15e0bfe/junit-jupiter-api-5.8.1.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-api/5.8.1/a3e13f34a2a47fb2c0d7385c5e6e0e8623194061/junit-jupiter-api-5.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index 4da4781..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_jupiter_junit_jupiter_engine_5_8_1.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-engine:5.8.1">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-engine/5.8.1/21b86e08aae2720bbf017703669948be96d1388c/junit-jupiter-engine-5.8.1.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.jupiter/junit-jupiter-engine/5.8.1/ea87fe3d752e24397f71f347872e79a89c61a704/junit-jupiter-engine-5.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index ec1b37e..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_commons_1_8_1.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-commons:1.8.1">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-commons/1.8.1/1e362cbe6d0f225b066757865e233972557484/junit-platform-commons-1.8.1.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-commons/1.8.1/386b61876dd33d0ef0381189d3c1db9455d99659/junit-platform-commons-1.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index 2940fd5..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_junit_platform_junit_platform_engine_1_8_1.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-engine:1.8.1">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-engine/1.8.1/e6c63bf990dc88a6527b4ed617b23e47048f07e0/junit-platform-engine-1.8.1.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.junit.platform/junit-platform-engine/1.8.1/9d87ea7959823714ad803aa91e0618bf2213b52c/junit-platform-engine-1.8.1-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index c0ad60c..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/libraries/Gradle__org_opentest4j_opentest4j_1_2_0.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,11 +0,0 @@
-<component name="libraryTable">
-  <library name="Gradle: org.opentest4j:opentest4j:1.2.0">
-    <CLASSES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.opentest4j/opentest4j/1.2.0/28c11eb91f9b6d8e200631d46e20a7f407f2a046/opentest4j-1.2.0.jar!/" />
-    </CLASSES>
-    <JAVADOC />
-    <SOURCES>
-      <root url="jar://$USER_HOME$/.gradle/caches/modules-2/files-2.1/org.opentest4j/opentest4j/1.2.0/41d55b3c2254de9837b4ec8923cbd371b8a7eab5/opentest4j-1.2.0-sources.jar!/" />
-    </SOURCES>
-  </library>
-</component>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index cc6eae0..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/misc.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,6 +0,0 @@
-<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<project version="4">
-  <component name="ProjectRootManager" version="2" default="true">
-    <output url="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/out" />
-  </component>
-</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index 1f0790d..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/modules.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,10 +0,0 @@
-<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<project version="4">
-  <component name="ProjectModuleManager">
-    <modules>
-      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/wc-tool.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/wc-tool.iml" />
-      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml" />
-      <module fileurl="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml" filepath="$PROJECT_DIR$/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml" />
-    </modules>
-  </component>
-</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
deleted file mode 100644
index 22e4f49..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.main.iml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,15 +0,0 @@
-<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool:main" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.type="sourceSet" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
-  <component name="NewModuleRootManager">
-    <output url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../build/classes/java/main" />
-    <exclude-output />
-    <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main">
-      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main/java" isTestSource="false" />
-      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/main/resources" type="java-resource" />
-    </content>
-    <orderEntry type="inheritedJdk" />
-    <orderEntry type="sourceFolder" forTests="false" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0" level="project" />
-  </component>
-</module>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml b/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
deleted file mode 100644
index 5a9c7cd..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/modules/wc-tool.test.iml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,22 +0,0 @@
-<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool:test" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$/../.." external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.type="sourceSet" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
-  <component name="NewModuleRootManager">
-    <output-test url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../build/classes/java/test" />
-    <exclude-output />
-    <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test">
-      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test/java" isTestSource="true" />
-      <sourceFolder url="file://$MODULE_DIR$/../../src/test/resources" type="java-test-resource" />
-    </content>
-    <orderEntry type="inheritedJdk" />
-    <orderEntry type="sourceFolder" forTests="false" />
-    <orderEntry type="module" module-name="wc-tool.main" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-api:5.8.1" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-commons:1.8.1" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" name="Gradle: org.opentest4j:opentest4j:1.2.0" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" scope="PROVIDED" name="Gradle: org.apiguardian:apiguardian-api:1.1.2" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" scope="RUNTIME" name="Gradle: org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-engine:5.8.1" level="project" />
-    <orderEntry type="library" scope="RUNTIME" name="Gradle: org.junit.platform:junit-platform-engine:1.8.1" level="project" />
-  </component>
-</module>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml b/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
deleted file mode 100644
index e09e9a3..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/.idea/workspace.xml
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,75 +0,0 @@
-<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<project version="4">
-  <component name="AutoImportSettings">
-    <option name="autoReloadType" value="SELECTIVE" />
-  </component>
-  <component name="ChangeListManager">
-    <list default="true" id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="" />
-    <option name="SHOW_DIALOG" value="false" />
-    <option name="HIGHLIGHT_CONFLICTS" value="true" />
-    <option name="HIGHLIGHT_NON_ACTIVE_CHANGELIST" value="false" />
-    <option name="LAST_RESOLUTION" value="IGNORE" />
-  </component>
-  <component name="ExternalProjectsData">
-    <projectState path="$PROJECT_DIR$">
-      <ProjectState />
-    </projectState>
-  </component>
-  <component name="FileTemplateManagerImpl">
-    <option name="RECENT_TEMPLATES">
-      <list>
-        <option value="Interface" />
-        <option value="Class" />
-      </list>
-    </option>
-  </component>
-  <component name="Git.Settings">
-    <option name="RECENT_GIT_ROOT_PATH" value="$PROJECT_DIR$/.." />
-  </component>
-  <component name="MarkdownSettingsMigration">
-    <option name="stateVersion" value="1" />
-  </component>
-  <component name="ProjectId" id="2WEj5ml0rMzSpx88WimhJp5jCMO" />
-  <component name="ProjectViewState">
-    <option name="hideEmptyMiddlePackages" value="true" />
-    <option name="showLibraryContents" value="true" />
-  </component>
-  <component name="PropertiesComponent">{
-  &quot;keyToString&quot;: {
-    &quot;RunOnceActivity.OpenProjectViewOnStart&quot;: &quot;true&quot;,
-    &quot;RunOnceActivity.ShowReadmeOnStart&quot;: &quot;true&quot;
-  }
-}</component>
-  <component name="RunManager">
-    <configuration name="Main" type="Application" factoryName="Application" temporary="true" nameIsGenerated="true">
-      <option name="MAIN_CLASS_NAME" value="com.learning.Main" />
-      <module name="wc-tool.main" />
-      <option name="PROGRAM_PARAMETERS" value="ccwc input.txt" />
-      <extension name="coverage">
-        <pattern>
-          <option name="PATTERN" value="com.learning.*" />
-          <option name="ENABLED" value="true" />
-        </pattern>
-      </extension>
-      <method v="2">
-        <option name="Make" enabled="true" />
-      </method>
-    </configuration>
-    <recent_temporary>
-      <list>
-        <item itemvalue="Application.Main" />
-      </list>
-    </recent_temporary>
-  </component>
-  <component name="SpellCheckerSettings" RuntimeDictionaries="0" Folders="0" CustomDictionaries="0" DefaultDictionary="application-level" UseSingleDictionary="true" transferred="true" />
-  <component name="TaskManager">
-    <task active="true" id="Default" summary="Default task">
-      <changelist id="e86e69c7-4523-42dc-9d7c-f726432de997" name="Changes" comment="" />
-      <created>1696304455138</created>
-      <option name="number" value="Default" />
-      <option name="presentableId" value="Default" />
-      <updated>1696304455138</updated>
-    </task>
-    <servers />
-  </component>
-</project>
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/build.gradle b/wc-tool/build.gradle
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2949389
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/build.gradle
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
+plugins {
+    id 'java'
+}
+
+group 'com.learning'
+version '1.0'
+
+repositories {
+    mavenCentral()
+}
+
+jar {
+    manifest {
+        attributes 'Main-Class': 'com.learning.Main'
+    }
+}
+
+dependencies {
+    testImplementation 'org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-api:5.8.1'
+    testRuntimeOnly 'org.junit.jupiter:junit-jupiter-engine:5.8.1'
+    implementation 'org.apache.commons:commons-lang3:3.12.0'
+    implementation 'commons-io:commons-io:2.11.0'
+}
+
+test {
+    useJUnitPlatform()
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.jar b/wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.jar
new file mode 100644
index 0000000000000000000000000000000000000000..249e5832f090a2944b7473328c07c9755baa3196
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diff --git a/wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties b/wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ae04661
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.properties
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+distributionBase=GRADLE_USER_HOME
+distributionPath=wrapper/dists
+distributionUrl=https\://services.gradle.org/distributions/gradle-7.5.1-bin.zip
+zipStoreBase=GRADLE_USER_HOME
+zipStorePath=wrapper/dists
diff --git a/wc-tool/gradlew b/wc-tool/gradlew
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a69d9cb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/gradlew
@@ -0,0 +1,240 @@
+#!/bin/sh
+
+#
+# Copyright © 2015-2021 the original authors.
+#
+# Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License");
+# you may not use this file except in compliance with the License.
+# You may obtain a copy of the License at
+#
+#      https://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
+#
+# Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
+# distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
+# WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
+# See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
+# limitations under the License.
+#
+
+##############################################################################
+#
+#   Gradle start up script for POSIX generated by Gradle.
+#
+#   Important for running:
+#
+#   (1) You need a POSIX-compliant shell to run this script. If your /bin/sh is
+#       noncompliant, but you have some other compliant shell such as ksh or
+#       bash, then to run this script, type that shell name before the whole
+#       command line, like:
+#
+#           ksh Gradle
+#
+#       Busybox and similar reduced shells will NOT work, because this script
+#       requires all of these POSIX shell features:
+#         * functions;
+#         * expansions «$var», «${var}», «${var:-default}», «${var+SET}»,
+#           «${var#prefix}», «${var%suffix}», and «$( cmd )»;
+#         * compound commands having a testable exit status, especially «case»;
+#         * various built-in commands including «command», «set», and «ulimit».
+#
+#   Important for patching:
+#
+#   (2) This script targets any POSIX shell, so it avoids extensions provided
+#       by Bash, Ksh, etc; in particular arrays are avoided.
+#
+#       The "traditional" practice of packing multiple parameters into a
+#       space-separated string is a well documented source of bugs and security
+#       problems, so this is (mostly) avoided, by progressively accumulating
+#       options in "$@", and eventually passing that to Java.
+#
+#       Where the inherited environment variables (DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS, JAVA_OPTS,
+#       and GRADLE_OPTS) rely on word-splitting, this is performed explicitly;
+#       see the in-line comments for details.
+#
+#       There are tweaks for specific operating systems such as AIX, CygWin,
+#       Darwin, MinGW, and NonStop.
+#
+#   (3) This script is generated from the Groovy template
+#       https://github.com/gradle/gradle/blob/master/subprojects/plugins/src/main/resources/org/gradle/api/internal/plugins/unixStartScript.txt
+#       within the Gradle project.
+#
+#       You can find Gradle at https://github.com/gradle/gradle/.
+#
+##############################################################################
+
+# Attempt to set APP_HOME
+
+# Resolve links: $0 may be a link
+app_path=$0
+
+# Need this for daisy-chained symlinks.
+while
+    APP_HOME=${app_path%"${app_path##*/}"}  # leaves a trailing /; empty if no leading path
+    [ -h "$app_path" ]
+do
+    ls=$( ls -ld "$app_path" )
+    link=${ls#*' -> '}
+    case $link in             #(
+      /*)   app_path=$link ;; #(
+      *)    app_path=$APP_HOME$link ;;
+    esac
+done
+
+APP_HOME=$( cd "${APP_HOME:-./}" && pwd -P ) || exit
+
+APP_NAME="Gradle"
+APP_BASE_NAME=${0##*/}
+
+# Add default JVM options here. You can also use JAVA_OPTS and GRADLE_OPTS to pass JVM options to this script.
+DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS='"-Xmx64m" "-Xms64m"'
+
+# Use the maximum available, or set MAX_FD != -1 to use that value.
+MAX_FD=maximum
+
+warn () {
+    echo "$*"
+} >&2
+
+die () {
+    echo
+    echo "$*"
+    echo
+    exit 1
+} >&2
+
+# OS specific support (must be 'true' or 'false').
+cygwin=false
+msys=false
+darwin=false
+nonstop=false
+case "$( uname )" in                #(
+  CYGWIN* )         cygwin=true  ;; #(
+  Darwin* )         darwin=true  ;; #(
+  MSYS* | MINGW* )  msys=true    ;; #(
+  NONSTOP* )        nonstop=true ;;
+esac
+
+CLASSPATH=$APP_HOME/gradle/wrapper/gradle-wrapper.jar
+
+
+# Determine the Java command to use to start the JVM.
+if [ -n "$JAVA_HOME" ] ; then
+    if [ -x "$JAVA_HOME/jre/sh/java" ] ; then
+        # IBM's JDK on AIX uses strange locations for the executables
+        JAVACMD=$JAVA_HOME/jre/sh/java
+    else
+        JAVACMD=$JAVA_HOME/bin/java
+    fi
+    if [ ! -x "$JAVACMD" ] ; then
+        die "ERROR: JAVA_HOME is set to an invalid directory: $JAVA_HOME
+
+Please set the JAVA_HOME variable in your environment to match the
+location of your Java installation."
+    fi
+else
+    JAVACMD=java
+    which java >/dev/null 2>&1 || die "ERROR: JAVA_HOME is not set and no 'java' command could be found in your PATH.
+
+Please set the JAVA_HOME variable in your environment to match the
+location of your Java installation."
+fi
+
+# Increase the maximum file descriptors if we can.
+if ! "$cygwin" && ! "$darwin" && ! "$nonstop" ; then
+    case $MAX_FD in #(
+      max*)
+        MAX_FD=$( ulimit -H -n ) ||
+            warn "Could not query maximum file descriptor limit"
+    esac
+    case $MAX_FD in  #(
+      '' | soft) :;; #(
+      *)
+        ulimit -n "$MAX_FD" ||
+            warn "Could not set maximum file descriptor limit to $MAX_FD"
+    esac
+fi
+
+# Collect all arguments for the java command, stacking in reverse order:
+#   * args from the command line
+#   * the main class name
+#   * -classpath
+#   * -D...appname settings
+#   * --module-path (only if needed)
+#   * DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS, JAVA_OPTS, and GRADLE_OPTS environment variables.
+
+# For Cygwin or MSYS, switch paths to Windows format before running java
+if "$cygwin" || "$msys" ; then
+    APP_HOME=$( cygpath --path --mixed "$APP_HOME" )
+    CLASSPATH=$( cygpath --path --mixed "$CLASSPATH" )
+
+    JAVACMD=$( cygpath --unix "$JAVACMD" )
+
+    # Now convert the arguments - kludge to limit ourselves to /bin/sh
+    for arg do
+        if
+            case $arg in                                #(
+              -*)   false ;;                            # don't mess with options #(
+              /?*)  t=${arg#/} t=/${t%%/*}              # looks like a POSIX filepath
+                    [ -e "$t" ] ;;                      #(
+              *)    false ;;
+            esac
+        then
+            arg=$( cygpath --path --ignore --mixed "$arg" )
+        fi
+        # Roll the args list around exactly as many times as the number of
+        # args, so each arg winds up back in the position where it started, but
+        # possibly modified.
+        #
+        # NB: a `for` loop captures its iteration list before it begins, so
+        # changing the positional parameters here affects neither the number of
+        # iterations, nor the values presented in `arg`.
+        shift                   # remove old arg
+        set -- "$@" "$arg"      # push replacement arg
+    done
+fi
+
+# Collect all arguments for the java command;
+#   * $DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS, $JAVA_OPTS, and $GRADLE_OPTS can contain fragments of
+#     shell script including quotes and variable substitutions, so put them in
+#     double quotes to make sure that they get re-expanded; and
+#   * put everything else in single quotes, so that it's not re-expanded.
+
+set -- \
+        "-Dorg.gradle.appname=$APP_BASE_NAME" \
+        -classpath "$CLASSPATH" \
+        org.gradle.wrapper.GradleWrapperMain \
+        "$@"
+
+# Stop when "xargs" is not available.
+if ! command -v xargs >/dev/null 2>&1
+then
+    die "xargs is not available"
+fi
+
+# Use "xargs" to parse quoted args.
+#
+# With -n1 it outputs one arg per line, with the quotes and backslashes removed.
+#
+# In Bash we could simply go:
+#
+#   readarray ARGS < <( xargs -n1 <<<"$var" ) &&
+#   set -- "${ARGS[@]}" "$@"
+#
+# but POSIX shell has neither arrays nor command substitution, so instead we
+# post-process each arg (as a line of input to sed) to backslash-escape any
+# character that might be a shell metacharacter, then use eval to reverse
+# that process (while maintaining the separation between arguments), and wrap
+# the whole thing up as a single "set" statement.
+#
+# This will of course break if any of these variables contains a newline or
+# an unmatched quote.
+#
+
+eval "set -- $(
+        printf '%s\n' "$DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS $JAVA_OPTS $GRADLE_OPTS" |
+        xargs -n1 |
+        sed ' s~[^-[:alnum:]+,./:=@_]~\\&~g; ' |
+        tr '\n' ' '
+    )" '"$@"'
+
+exec "$JAVACMD" "$@"
diff --git a/wc-tool/gradlew.bat b/wc-tool/gradlew.bat
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f127cfd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/gradlew.bat
@@ -0,0 +1,91 @@
+@rem
+@rem Copyright 2015 the original author or authors.
+@rem
+@rem Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License");
+@rem you may not use this file except in compliance with the License.
+@rem You may obtain a copy of the License at
+@rem
+@rem      https://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
+@rem
+@rem Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
+@rem distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
+@rem WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
+@rem See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
+@rem limitations under the License.
+@rem
+
+@if "%DEBUG%"=="" @echo off
+@rem ##########################################################################
+@rem
+@rem  Gradle startup script for Windows
+@rem
+@rem ##########################################################################
+
+@rem Set local scope for the variables with windows NT shell
+if "%OS%"=="Windows_NT" setlocal
+
+set DIRNAME=%~dp0
+if "%DIRNAME%"=="" set DIRNAME=.
+set APP_BASE_NAME=%~n0
+set APP_HOME=%DIRNAME%
+
+@rem Resolve any "." and ".." in APP_HOME to make it shorter.
+for %%i in ("%APP_HOME%") do set APP_HOME=%%~fi
+
+@rem Add default JVM options here. You can also use JAVA_OPTS and GRADLE_OPTS to pass JVM options to this script.
+set DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS="-Xmx64m" "-Xms64m"
+
+@rem Find java.exe
+if defined JAVA_HOME goto findJavaFromJavaHome
+
+set JAVA_EXE=java.exe
+%JAVA_EXE% -version >NUL 2>&1
+if %ERRORLEVEL% equ 0 goto execute
+
+echo.
+echo ERROR: JAVA_HOME is not set and no 'java' command could be found in your PATH.
+echo.
+echo Please set the JAVA_HOME variable in your environment to match the
+echo location of your Java installation.
+
+goto fail
+
+:findJavaFromJavaHome
+set JAVA_HOME=%JAVA_HOME:"=%
+set JAVA_EXE=%JAVA_HOME%/bin/java.exe
+
+if exist "%JAVA_EXE%" goto execute
+
+echo.
+echo ERROR: JAVA_HOME is set to an invalid directory: %JAVA_HOME%
+echo.
+echo Please set the JAVA_HOME variable in your environment to match the
+echo location of your Java installation.
+
+goto fail
+
+:execute
+@rem Setup the command line
+
+set CLASSPATH=%APP_HOME%\gradle\wrapper\gradle-wrapper.jar
+
+
+@rem Execute Gradle
+"%JAVA_EXE%" %DEFAULT_JVM_OPTS% %JAVA_OPTS% %GRADLE_OPTS% "-Dorg.gradle.appname=%APP_BASE_NAME%" -classpath "%CLASSPATH%" org.gradle.wrapper.GradleWrapperMain %*
+
+:end
+@rem End local scope for the variables with windows NT shell
+if %ERRORLEVEL% equ 0 goto mainEnd
+
+:fail
+rem Set variable GRADLE_EXIT_CONSOLE if you need the _script_ return code instead of
+rem the _cmd.exe /c_ return code!
+set EXIT_CODE=%ERRORLEVEL%
+if %EXIT_CODE% equ 0 set EXIT_CODE=1
+if not ""=="%GRADLE_EXIT_CONSOLE%" exit %EXIT_CODE%
+exit /b %EXIT_CODE%
+
+:mainEnd
+if "%OS%"=="Windows_NT" endlocal
+
+:omega
diff --git a/wc-tool/input.txt b/wc-tool/input.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..918f23a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/input.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Hi Sir. Tzŭ
+
diff --git a/wc-tool/settings.gradle b/wc-tool/settings.gradle
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8d6bf70
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/settings.gradle
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+rootProject.name = 'wc-tool'
+
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/Main.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/Main.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6efa29b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/Main.java
@@ -0,0 +1,38 @@
+package com.learning;
+
+import com.learning.command.Commander;
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandAttribute;
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandOption;
+import com.learning.factory.ArgumentParserFactory;
+import com.learning.utility.FileUtility;
+
+import java.io.BufferedReader;
+import java.io.InputStreamReader;
+import java.nio.charset.StandardCharsets;
+import java.util.ArrayList;
+import java.util.List;
+import java.util.stream.Collectors;
+
+public class Main {
+    public static void main(String[] args) {
+        List<CommandAttribute> commandAttributes = getCommandAttributes(args);
+
+        CommandAttribute commandAttribute = commandAttributes.get(0);
+
+        Commander commander = commandAttribute.getCommander();
+        CommandOption[] commandOptions = commandAttribute.getCommandOptions();
+        Object content = commandAttribute.getContent();
+
+        commander.execute(commandOptions, content);
+    }
+
+    private static List<CommandAttribute> getCommandAttributes(String[] args) {
+        FileUtility fileUtility = new FileUtility();
+        ArgumentParserFactory argumentParserFactory = new ArgumentParserFactory(fileUtility);
+
+        String commandStr = argumentParserFactory.joinArguments(args);
+
+        List<String> commandStrings = argumentParserFactory.collectCommandsString(commandStr);
+        return argumentParserFactory.getCommandAttributeList(commandStrings);
+    }
+}
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4a94344
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/Commander.java
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+package com.learning.command;
+
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandOption;
+
+public interface Commander {
+    void execute(CommandOption[] commandOptions, Object obj);
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandAttribute.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandAttribute.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..267525b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandAttribute.java
@@ -0,0 +1,48 @@
+package com.learning.command.dto;
+
+import com.learning.command.Commander;
+
+public class CommandAttribute {
+    private Commander commander;
+    private CommandOption[] commandOptions;
+    private Object content;
+
+    public CommandAttribute(Commander commander) {
+        this.commander = commander;
+    }
+
+    public CommandAttribute(Commander commander, CommandOption[] commandOptions, Object content) {
+        this.commander = commander;
+        this.commandOptions = commandOptions;
+        this.content = content;
+    }
+
+    public CommandAttribute(Commander commander, CommandOption[] commandOptions) {
+        this.commander = commander;
+        this.commandOptions = commandOptions;
+    }
+
+    public Commander getCommander() {
+        return commander;
+    }
+
+    public void setCommander(Commander commander) {
+        this.commander = commander;
+    }
+
+    public CommandOption[] getCommandOptions() {
+        return commandOptions;
+    }
+
+    public void setCommandOptions(CommandOption[] commandOptions) {
+        this.commandOptions = commandOptions;
+    }
+
+    public Object getContent() {
+        return content;
+    }
+
+    public void setContent(Object content) {
+        this.content = content;
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandOption.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandOption.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e7db2f0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/dto/CommandOption.java
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+package com.learning.command.dto;
+
+public enum CommandOption {
+    L("-l"), M("-m"), C("-c"), W("-w");
+
+    private String commandOption;
+
+    CommandOption(String command) {
+        this.commandOption = command;
+    }
+
+    public String getCommandOption() {
+        return commandOption;
+    }
+
+    public static CommandOption findCommand(String option) {
+        for (CommandOption _c : CommandOption.values()) {
+            if (_c.getCommandOption().equals(option)) {
+                return _c;
+            }
+        }
+        throw new RuntimeException("Command Option not supported");
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/impl/WordCount.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/impl/WordCount.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0e306ef
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/command/impl/WordCount.java
@@ -0,0 +1,63 @@
+package com.learning.command.impl;
+
+import com.learning.command.Commander;
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandOption;
+import com.learning.utility.StringUtility;
+
+import java.nio.charset.StandardCharsets;
+
+public class WordCount implements Commander {
+
+    @Override
+    public void execute(CommandOption[] commandOptions, Object content) {
+        byte[] bytes = (byte[]) content;
+        if (commandOptions.length == 0) {
+            countLines(bytes);
+            countWords(bytes);
+            fileBytes(bytes);
+        } else {
+            for (CommandOption commandOption : commandOptions) {
+                if (commandOption.equals(CommandOption.C)) {
+                    fileBytes(bytes);
+                } else if (commandOption.equals(CommandOption.L)) {
+                    countLines(bytes);
+                } else if (commandOption.equals(CommandOption.W)) {
+                    countWords(bytes);
+                } else if (commandOption.equals(CommandOption.M)) {
+                    countCharacter(bytes);
+                } else {
+                    throw new RuntimeException("Command option not supported.");
+                }
+            }
+        }
+    }
+
+    public void countCharacter(byte[] bytes) {
+        String content = new String(bytes, StandardCharsets.UTF_8);
+        System.out.println("Total Character in files " + content.length());
+    }
+
+    public void countWords(byte[] bytes) {
+        int count = 0;
+        String s = StringUtility.decodeString(bytes, StandardCharsets.UTF_8);
+
+        String[] words = s.split("\\s");
+        for (String p : words) {
+            if (!p.equals("")) {
+                count++;
+            }
+        }
+
+        System.out.println("Total Words in files " + count);
+    }
+
+    public void countLines(byte[] bytes) {
+        String s = StringUtility.decodeString(bytes, StandardCharsets.UTF_8);
+        int lines = StringUtility.numberOfLines(s);
+        System.out.println("Total Lines in files " + lines);
+    }
+
+    public void fileBytes(byte[] bytes) {
+        System.out.println("Total Bytes of files is bytes[] " + bytes.length);
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/factory/ArgumentParserFactory.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/factory/ArgumentParserFactory.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..674d926
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/factory/ArgumentParserFactory.java
@@ -0,0 +1,119 @@
+package com.learning.factory;
+
+import com.learning.command.Commander;
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandAttribute;
+import com.learning.command.dto.CommandOption;
+import com.learning.command.impl.WordCount;
+import com.learning.utility.FileUtility;
+
+import java.io.BufferedReader;
+import java.io.IOException;
+import java.io.InputStreamReader;
+import java.nio.charset.StandardCharsets;
+import java.util.ArrayList;
+import java.util.Arrays;
+import java.util.List;
+import java.util.stream.Collectors;
+
+public class ArgumentParserFactory {
+
+    FileUtility fileUtility;
+
+    public ArgumentParserFactory(FileUtility fileUtility) {
+        this.fileUtility = fileUtility;
+    }
+
+    public Commander getCommander(String arg) {
+        return findCommand(arg);
+    }
+
+    public List<CommandAttribute> getCommandAttributeList(List<String> commandList) {
+        List<CommandAttribute> commanders = new ArrayList<>();
+
+        for (String command : commandList) {
+            String[] breakCommand = command.split("\\s");
+
+            Commander commander = findCommand(breakCommand[0]);
+            CommandOption[] options = getOptions(breakCommand);
+            CommandAttribute e = new CommandAttribute(commander, options);
+
+            String lastAttribute = breakCommand[breakCommand.length - 1];
+
+            if (lastAttribute.contains(".txt")) {
+                byte[] bytes = fileUtility.readBytes(lastAttribute);
+                e.setContent(bytes);
+            } else {
+                // stdinput is used.
+                BufferedReader br = new BufferedReader(new InputStreamReader(System.in, StandardCharsets.UTF_8));
+                StringBuilder output = new StringBuilder();
+                try {
+                    // Read characters from the standard input
+                    int charCode;
+                    while ((charCode = br.read()) != -1) {
+                        // Convert the character to a byte and append to the StringBuilder
+                        byte[] bytes = Character.toString((char) charCode).getBytes(StandardCharsets.UTF_8);
+                        output.append(new String(bytes, StandardCharsets.UTF_8));
+                    }
+                } catch (IOException ex) {
+                    throw new RuntimeException(ex);
+                }
+
+                e.setContent(output.toString().getBytes(StandardCharsets.UTF_8));
+
+                /*
+                Leave it for learning.
+                ByteArrayOutputStream baos = new ByteArrayOutputStream();
+                byte[] buffer = new byte[32 * 1024];
+
+                int bytesRead;
+                while (true) {
+                    try {
+                        if (!((bytesRead = System.in.read(buffer)) > 0)) break;
+                    } catch (IOException ex) {
+                        throw new RuntimeException(ex);
+                    }
+                    baos.write(buffer, 0, bytesRead);
+                }
+                byte[] bytes = baos.toByteArray();
+                e.setContent(bytes);
+                */
+            }
+            commanders.add(e);
+        }
+        return commanders;
+    }
+
+    private CommandOption[] getOptions(String[] breakCommand) {
+        List<CommandOption> commandOptions = new ArrayList<>();
+        for (String s : breakCommand) {
+            if (s.startsWith("-")) {
+                commandOptions.add(CommandOption.findCommand(s));
+            }
+        }
+
+        int idx = 0;
+        CommandOption[] commandOptionArray = new CommandOption[commandOptions.size()];
+
+        for (CommandOption _c : commandOptions) {
+            commandOptionArray[idx] = _c;
+            idx++;
+        }
+
+        return commandOptionArray;
+    }
+
+    private Commander findCommand(String command) {
+        if (command.equals("ccwc")) {
+            return new WordCount();
+        }
+        throw new RuntimeException("Command Not Found!");
+    }
+
+    public String joinArguments(String[] arg) {
+        return String.join(" ", arg);
+    }
+
+    public List<String> collectCommandsString(String command) {
+        return Arrays.stream(command.split("\\|")).collect(Collectors.toList());
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..914cfb9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/FileUtility.java
@@ -0,0 +1,65 @@
+package com.learning.utility;
+
+import java.io.BufferedReader;
+import java.io.File;
+import java.io.FileInputStream;
+import java.io.FileNotFoundException;
+import java.io.FileReader;
+import java.io.IOException;
+import java.io.InputStreamReader;
+import java.nio.charset.StandardCharsets;
+import java.nio.file.Files;
+import java.nio.file.Path;
+import java.nio.file.Paths;
+import java.util.ArrayList;
+import java.util.List;
+import java.util.stream.Collectors;
+import java.util.stream.Stream;
+
+public class FileUtility {
+    public List<String> readFile(String fileName) {
+        List<String> fileContent = new ArrayList<>();
+
+        try {
+            File file = new File(fileName);
+
+            BufferedReader bufferedReader = new BufferedReader(new FileReader(file));
+
+            Stream<String> lines = bufferedReader.lines();
+            fileContent = lines.collect(Collectors.toList());
+
+            bufferedReader.close();
+        } catch (FileNotFoundException e) {
+            System.out.println("Caught exception while reading file " + e);
+        } catch (IOException e) {
+            throw new RuntimeException(e);
+        }
+
+        return fileContent;
+    }
+
+    public String readFileContentAsString(String fileName) {
+        StringBuilder builder = new StringBuilder();
+        try {
+            BufferedReader in = new BufferedReader(new FileReader(fileName));
+
+            String str;
+            while ((str = in.readLine()) != null) {
+                builder.append(str)
+//                        .append("\n")
+                ;
+            }
+        } catch (IOException e) {
+            e.printStackTrace();
+        }
+        return builder.toString();
+    }
+
+    public byte[] readBytes(String fileName) {
+        try {
+            return Files.readAllBytes(Paths.get(fileName));
+        } catch (IOException e) {
+            throw new RuntimeException(e);
+        }
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..96f777f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/src/main/java/com/learning/utility/StringUtility.java
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
+package com.learning.utility;
+
+import java.nio.charset.Charset;
+
+public class StringUtility {
+
+    public static byte[] encodeString(String str, Charset standardCharsets) {
+        return str.getBytes(standardCharsets);
+    }
+
+    public static String decodeString(byte[] bytes, Charset standardCharsets) {
+        return new String(bytes, standardCharsets);
+    }
+
+    public static int numberOfLines(String str) {
+        int count = 0;
+        for (int i = 0; i< str.length(); i++){
+            if(str.charAt(i)=='\n'){
+                count++;
+            }
+        }
+        return count;
+    }
+}
diff --git a/wc-tool/test.txt b/wc-tool/test.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e2719a7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/test.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,7137 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Art of War, by Sun Tzŭ
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
+will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
+using this eBook.
+
+Title: The Art of War
+
+Author: Sun Tzŭ
+
+Translator: Lionel Giles
+
+Release Date: May 1994 [eBook #132]
+[Most recently updated: October 16, 2021]
+
+Language: English
+
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ART OF WAR ***
+
+
+
+
+Sun Tzŭ
+on
+The Art of War
+
+THE OLDEST MILITARY TREATISE IN THE WORLD
+Translated from the Chinese with Introduction and Critical Notes
+
+BY
+LIONEL GILES, M.A.
+
+Assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS.
+in the British Museum
+
+
+
+
+1910
+
+
+
+To my brother
+Captain Valentine Giles, R.G.
+in the hope that
+a work 2400 years old
+may yet contain lessons worth consideration
+by the soldier of today
+this translation
+is affectionately dedicated.
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+ Preface to the Project Gutenberg Etext
+ Preface by Lionel Giles
+ INTRODUCTION
+ Sun Wu and his Book
+ The Text of Sun Tzŭ
+ The Commentators
+ Appreciations of Sun Tzŭ
+ Apologies for War
+ Bibliography
+ Chapter I. Laying plans
+ Chapter II. Waging War
+ Chapter III. Attack by Stratagem
+ Chapter IV. Tactical Dispositions
+ Chapter V. Energy
+ Chapter VI. Weak Points and Strong
+ Chapter VII Manœuvring
+ Chapter VIII. Variation of Tactics
+ Chapter IX. The Army on the March
+ Chapter X. Terrain
+ Chapter XI. The Nine Situations
+ Chapter XII. The Attack by Fire
+ Chapter XIII. The Use of Spies
+
+
+
+Preface to the Project Gutenberg Etext
+
+When Lionel Giles began his translation of Sun Tzŭ’s _Art of War_, the
+work was virtually unknown in Europe. Its introduction to Europe began
+in 1782 when a French Jesuit Father living in China, Joseph Amiot,
+acquired a copy of it, and translated it into French. It was not a good
+translation because, according to Dr. Giles, "[I]t contains a great
+deal that Sun Tzŭ did not write, and very little indeed of what he
+did."
+
+The first translation into English was published in 1905 in Tokyo by
+Capt. E. F. Calthrop, R.F.A. However, this translation is, in the words
+of Dr. Giles, "excessively bad." He goes further in this criticism: "It
+is not merely a question of downright blunders, from which none can
+hope to be wholly exempt. Omissions were frequent; hard passages were
+willfully distorted or slurred over. Such offenses are less pardonable.
+They would not be tolerated in any edition of a Latin or Greek classic,
+and a similar standard of honesty ought to be insisted upon in
+translations from Chinese." In 1908 a new edition of Capt. Calthrop’s
+translation was published in London. It was an improvement on the
+first—omissions filled up and numerous mistakes corrected—but new
+errors were created in the process. Dr. Giles, in justifying his
+translation, wrote: "It was not undertaken out of any inflated estimate
+of my own powers; but I could not help feeling that Sun Tzŭ deserved a
+better fate than had befallen him, and I knew that, at any rate, I
+could hardly fail to improve on the work of my predecessors."
+
+Clearly, Dr. Giles’ work established much of the groundwork for the
+work of later translators who published their own editions. Of the
+later editions of the _Art of War_ I have examined; two feature Giles’
+edited translation and notes, the other two present the same basic
+information from the ancient Chinese commentators found in the Giles
+edition. Of these four, Giles’ 1910 edition is the most scholarly and
+presents the reader an incredible amount of information concerning Sun
+Tzŭ’s text, much more than any other translation.
+
+The Giles’ edition of the _Art of War_, as stated above, was a
+scholarly work. Dr. Giles was a leading sinologue at the time and an
+assistant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and Manuscripts
+in the British Museum. Apparently he wanted to produce a definitive
+edition, superior to anything else that existed and perhaps something
+that would become a standard translation. It was the best translation
+available for 50 years. But apparently there was not much interest in
+Sun Tzŭ in English-speaking countries since it took the start of the
+Second World War to renew interest in his work. Several people
+published unsatisfactory English translations of Sun Tzŭ. In 1944, Dr.
+Giles’ translation was edited and published in the United States in a
+series of military science books. But it wasn’t until 1963 that a good
+English translation (by Samuel B. Griffith and still in print) was
+published that was an equal to Giles’ translation. While this
+translation is more lucid than Dr. Giles’ translation, it lacks his
+copious notes that make his so interesting.
+
+Dr. Giles produced a work primarily intended for scholars of the
+Chinese civilization and language. It contains the Chinese text of Sun
+Tzŭ, the English translation, and voluminous notes along with numerous
+footnotes. Unfortunately, some of his notes and footnotes contain
+Chinese characters; some are completely Chinese. Thus, a conversion to
+a Latin alphabet etext was difficult. I did the conversion in complete
+ignorance of Chinese (except for what I learned while doing the
+conversion). Thus, I faced the difficult task of paraphrasing it while
+retaining as much of the important text as I could. Every paraphrase
+represents a loss; thus I did what I could to retain as much of the
+text as possible. Because the 1910 text contains a Chinese concordance,
+I was able to transliterate proper names, books, and the like at the
+risk of making the text more obscure. However, the text, on the whole,
+is quite satisfactory for the casual reader, a transformation made
+possible by conversion to an etext. However, I come away from this task
+with the feeling of loss because I know that someone with a background
+in Chinese can do a better job than I did; any such attempt would be
+welcomed.
+
+Bob Sutton
+
+
+
+Preface by Lionel Giles
+
+The seventh volume of _Mémoires concernant l’histoire, les sciences,
+les arts, les mœurs, les usages, &c., des Chinois_ is devoted to the
+Art of War, and contains, amongst other treatises, “Les Treize Articles
+de Sun-tse,” translated from the Chinese by a Jesuit Father, Joseph
+Amiot. Père Amiot appears to have enjoyed no small reputation as a
+sinologue in his day, and the field of his labours was certainly
+extensive. But his so-called translation of the Sun Tzŭ, if placed side
+by side with the original, is seen at once to be little better than an
+imposture. It contains a great deal that Sun Tzŭ did not write, and
+very little indeed of what he did. Here is a fair specimen, taken from
+the opening sentences of chapter 5:—
+
+_De l’habileté dans le gouvernement des Troupes._ Sun-tse dit : Ayez
+les noms de tous les Officiers tant généraux que subalternes;
+inscrivez-les dans un catalogue à part, avec la note des talents & de
+la capacité de chacun d’eux, afin de pouvoir les employer avec avantage
+lorsque l’occasion en sera venue. Faites en sorte que tous ceux que
+vous devez commander soient persuadés que votre principale attention
+est de les préserver de tout dommage. Les troupes que vous ferez
+avancer contre l’ennemi doivent être comme des pierres que vous
+lanceriez contre des œufs. De vous à l’ennemi il ne doit y avoir
+d’autre différence que celle du fort au faible, du vide au plein.
+Attaquez à découvert, mais soyez vainqueur en secret. Voilà en peu de
+mots en quoi consiste l’habileté & toute la perfection même du
+gouvernement des troupes.
+
+
+Throughout the nineteenth century, which saw a wonderful development in
+the study of Chinese literature, no translator ventured to tackle Sun
+Tzŭ, although his work was known to be highly valued in China as by far
+the oldest and best compendium of military science. It was not until
+the year 1905 that the first English translation, by Capt. E.F.
+Calthrop. R.F.A., appeared at Tokyo under the title “Sonshi”(the
+Japanese form of Sun Tzŭ). Unfortunately, it was evident that the
+translator’s knowledge of Chinese was far too scanty to fit him to
+grapple with the manifold difficulties of Sun Tzŭ. He himself plainly
+acknowledges that without the aid of two Japanese gentlemen “the
+accompanying translation would have been impossible.” We can only
+wonder, then, that with their help it should have been so excessively
+bad. It is not merely a question of downright blunders, from which none
+can hope to be wholly exempt. Omissions were frequent; hard passages
+were wilfully distorted or slurred over. Such offences are less
+pardonable. They would not be tolerated in any edition of a Greek or
+Latin classic, and a similar standard of honesty ought to be insisted
+upon in translations from Chinese.
+
+From blemishes of this nature, at least, I believe that the present
+translation is free. It was not undertaken out of any inflated estimate
+of my own powers; but I could not help feeling that Sun Tzŭ deserved a
+better fate than had befallen him, and I knew that, at any rate, I
+could hardly fail to improve on the work of my predecessors. Towards
+the end of 1908, a new and revised edition of Capt. Calthrop’s
+translation was published in London, this time, however, without any
+allusion to his Japanese collaborators. My first three chapters were
+then already in the printer’s hands, so that the criticisms of Capt.
+Calthrop therein contained must be understood as referring to his
+earlier edition. This is on the whole an improvement on the other,
+thought there still remains much that cannot pass muster. Some of the
+grosser blunders have been rectified and lacunae filled up, but on the
+other hand a certain number of new mistakes appear. The very first
+sentence of the introduction is startlingly inaccurate; and later on,
+while mention is made of “an army of Japanese commentators” on Sun Tzŭ
+(who are these, by the way?), not a word is vouchsafed about the
+Chinese commentators, who nevertheless, I venture to assert, form a
+much more numerous and infinitely more important “army.”
+
+A few special features of the present volume may now be noticed. In the
+first place, the text has been cut up into numbered paragraphs, both in
+order to facilitate cross-reference and for the convenience of students
+generally. The division follows broadly that of Sun Hsing-yen’s
+edition; but I have sometimes found it desirable to join two or more of
+his paragraphs into one. In quoting from other works, Chinese writers
+seldom give more than the bare title by way of reference, and the task
+of research is apt to be seriously hampered in consequence. With a view
+to obviating this difficulty so far as Sun Tzŭ is concerned, I have
+also appended a complete concordance of Chinese characters, following
+in this the admirable example of Legge, though an alphabetical
+arrangement has been preferred to the distribution under radicals which
+he adopted. Another feature borrowed from “The Chinese Classics” is the
+printing of text, translation and notes on the same page; the notes,
+however, are inserted, according to the Chinese method, immediately
+after the passages to which they refer. From the mass of native
+commentary my aim has been to extract the cream only, adding the
+Chinese text here and there when it seemed to present points of
+literary interest. Though constituting in itself an important branch of
+Chinese literature, very little commentary of this kind has hitherto
+been made directly accessible by translation.
+
+I may say in conclusion that, owing to the printing off of my sheets as
+they were completed, the work has not had the benefit of a final
+revision. On a review of the whole, without modifying the substance of
+my criticisms, I might have been inclined in a few instances to temper
+their asperity. Having chosen to wield a bludgeon, however, I shall not
+cry out if in return I am visited with more than a rap over the
+knuckles. Indeed, I have been at some pains to put a sword into the
+hands of future opponents by scrupulously giving either text or
+reference for every passage translated. A scathing review, even from
+the pen of the Shanghai critic who despises “mere translations,” would
+not, I must confess, be altogether unwelcome. For, after all, the worst
+fate I shall have to dread is that which befell the ingenious paradoxes
+of George in _The Vicar of Wakefield_.
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+Sun Wu and his Book
+
+Ssu-ma Ch’ien gives the following biography of Sun Tzŭ: [1]
+
+
+Sun Tzŭ Wu was a native of the Ch’i State. His _Art of War_ brought him
+to the notice of Ho Lu, [2] King of Wu. Ho Lu said to him:
+
+"I have carefully perused your 13 chapters. May I submit your theory of
+managing soldiers to a slight test?"
+
+Sun Tzŭ replied: "You may."
+
+Ho Lu asked: "May the test be applied to women?"
+
+The answer was again in the affirmative, so arrangements were made to
+bring 180 ladies out of the Palace. Sun Tzŭ divided them into two
+companies, and placed one of the King’s favourite concubines at the head
+of each. He then bade them all take spears in their hands, and
+addressed them thus: "I presume you know the difference between front
+and back, right hand and left hand?"
+
+The girls replied: Yes.
+
+Sun Tzŭ went on: "When I say "Eyes front," you must look straight
+ahead. When I say "Left turn," you must face towards your left hand.
+When I say "Right turn," you must face towards your right hand. When I
+say "About turn," you must face right round towards your back."
+
+Again the girls assented. The words of command having been thus
+explained, he set up the halberds and battle-axes in order to begin the
+drill. Then, to the sound of drums, he gave the order "Right turn." But
+the girls only burst out laughing. Sun Tzŭ said: "If words of command
+are not clear and distinct, if orders are not thoroughly understood,
+then the general is to blame."
+
+So he started drilling them again, and this time gave the order "Left
+turn," whereupon the girls once more burst into fits of laughter. Sun
+Tzŭ: "If words of command are not clear and distinct, if orders are not
+thoroughly understood, the general is to blame. But if his orders _are_
+clear, and the soldiers nevertheless disobey, then it is the fault of
+their officers."
+
+So saying, he ordered the leaders of the two companies to be beheaded.
+Now the king of Wu was watching the scene from the top of a raised
+pavilion; and when he saw that his favourite concubines were about to be
+executed, he was greatly alarmed and hurriedly sent down the following
+message: "We are now quite satisfied as to our general’s ability to
+handle troops. If we are bereft of these two concubines, our meat and
+drink will lose their savor. It is our wish that they shall not be
+beheaded."
+
+Sun Tzŭ replied: "Having once received His Majesty’s commission to be
+the general of his forces, there are certain commands of His Majesty
+which, acting in that capacity, I am unable to accept."
+
+Accordingly, he had the two leaders beheaded, and straightway installed
+the pair next in order as leaders in their place. When this had been
+done, the drum was sounded for the drill once more; and the girls went
+through all the evolutions, turning to the right or to the left,
+marching ahead or wheeling back, kneeling or standing, with perfect
+accuracy and precision, not venturing to utter a sound. Then Sun Tzŭ
+sent a messenger to the King saying: "Your soldiers, Sire, are now
+properly drilled and disciplined, and ready for your majesty’s
+inspection. They can be put to any use that their sovereign may desire;
+bid them go through fire and water, and they will not disobey."
+
+But the King replied: "Let our general cease drilling and return to
+camp. As for us, We have no wish to come down and inspect the troops."
+
+Thereupon Sun Tzŭ said: "The King is only fond of words, and cannot
+translate them into deeds."
+
+After that, Ho Lu saw that Sun Tzŭ was one who knew how to handle an
+army, and finally appointed him general. In the west, he defeated the
+Ch’u State and forced his way into Ying, the capital; to the north he
+put fear into the States of Ch’i and Chin, and spread his fame abroad
+amongst the feudal princes. And Sun Tzŭ shared in the might of the
+King.
+
+About Sun Tzŭ himself this is all that Ssu-ma Ch’ien has to tell us in
+this chapter. But he proceeds to give a biography of his descendant,
+Sun Pin, born about a hundred years after his famous ancestor’s death,
+and also the outstanding military genius of his time. The historian
+speaks of him too as Sun Tzŭ, and in his preface we read: "Sun Tzŭ had
+his feet cut off and yet continued to discuss the art of war." [3] It
+seems likely, then, that "Pin" was a nickname bestowed on him after his
+mutilation, unless the story was invented in order to account for the
+name. The crowning incident of his career, the crushing defeat of his
+treacherous rival P’ang Chuan, will be found briefly related in Chapter
+V. § 19, note.
+
+To return to the elder Sun Tzŭ. He is mentioned in two other passages
+of the _Shih Chi:_—
+
+In the third year of his reign [512 B.C.] Ho Lu, king of Wu, took the
+field with Tzŭ-hsu [i.e. Wu Yuan] and Po P’ei, and attacked Ch’u. He
+captured the town of Shu and slew the two prince’s sons who had
+formerly been generals of Wu. He was then meditating a descent on Ying
+[the capital]; but the general Sun Wu said: "The army is exhausted. It
+is not yet possible. We must wait"…. [After further successful
+fighting,] "in the ninth year [506 B.C.], King Ho Lu addressed Wu
+Tzŭ-hsu and Sun Wu, saying: "Formerly, you declared that it was not yet
+possible for us to enter Ying. Is the time ripe now?" The two men
+replied: "Ch’u’s general Tzŭ-ch’ang, [4] is grasping and covetous, and
+the princes of T’ang and Ts’ai both have a grudge against him. If Your
+Majesty has resolved to make a grand attack, you must win over T’ang
+and Ts’ai, and then you may succeed." Ho Lu followed this advice, [beat
+Ch’u in five pitched battles and marched into Ying.] [5]
+
+
+This is the latest date at which anything is recorded of Sun Wu. He
+does not appear to have survived his patron, who died from the effects
+of a wound in 496. In another chapter there occurs this passage:[6]
+
+From this time onward, a number of famous soldiers arose, one after the
+other: Kao-fan, [7] who was employed by the Chin State; Wang-tzu, [8]
+in the service of Ch’i; and Sun Wu, in the service of Wu. These men
+developed and threw light upon the principles of war.
+
+
+It is obvious enough that Ssu-ma Ch’ien at least had no doubt about the
+reality of Sun Wu as an historical personage; and with one exception,
+to be noticed presently, he is by far the most important authority on
+the period in question. It will not be necessary, therefore, to say
+much of such a work as the _Wu Yüeh Ch’un Ch’iu_, which is supposed to
+have been written by Chao Yeh of the 1st century A.D. The attribution
+is somewhat doubtful; but even if it were otherwise, his account would
+be of little value, based as it is on the _Shih Chi_ and expanded with
+romantic details. The story of Sun Tzŭ will be found, for what it is
+worth, in chapter 2. The only new points in it worth noting are: (1)
+Sun Tzŭ was first recommended to Ho Lu by Wu Tzŭ-hsu. (2) He is called
+a native of Wu. (3) He had previously lived a retired life, and his
+contemporaries were unaware of his ability.
+
+The following passage occurs in the Huai-nan Tzŭ: "When sovereign and
+ministers show perversity of mind, it is impossible even for a Sun Tzŭ
+to encounter the foe." Assuming that this work is genuine (and hitherto
+no doubt has been cast upon it), we have here the earliest direct
+reference for Sun Tzŭ, for Huai-nan Tzŭ died in 122 B.C., many years
+before the _Shih Chi_ was given to the world.
+
+Liu Hsiang (80-9 B.C.) says: "The reason why Sun Tzŭ at the head of
+30,000 men beat Ch’u with 200,000 is that the latter were
+undisciplined."
+
+Teng Ming-shih informs us that the surname "Sun" was bestowed on Sun
+Wu’s grandfather by Duke Ching of Ch’i [547-490 B.C.]. Sun Wu’s father
+Sun P’ing, rose to be a Minister of State in Ch’i, and Sun Wu himself,
+whose style was Ch’ang-ch’ing, fled to Wu on account of the rebellion
+which was being fomented by the kindred of T’ien Pao. He had three
+sons, of whom the second, named Ming, was the father of Sun Pin.
+According to this account then, Pin was the grandson of Wu, which,
+considering that Sun Pin’s victory over Wei was gained in 341 B.C., may
+be dismissed as chronologically impossible. Whence these data were
+obtained by Teng Ming-shih I do not know, but of course no reliance
+whatever can be placed in them.
+
+An interesting document which has survived from the close of the Han
+period is the short preface written by the Great Ts’ao Ts’ao, or Wei Wu
+Ti, for his edition of Sun Tzŭ. I shall give it in full:—
+
+
+I have heard that the ancients used bows and arrows to their advantage.
+[10] The _Lun Yu_ says: “There must be a sufficiency of military
+strength.” The _Shu Ching_ mentions "the army" among the "eight objects
+of government." The _I Ching_ says: "‘army’ indicates firmness and
+justice; the experienced leader will have good fortune." The _Shih
+Ching_ says: "The King rose majestic in his wrath, and he marshalled his
+troops." The Yellow Emperor, T’ang the Completer and Wu Wang all used
+spears and battle-axes in order to succour their generation. The _Ssu-ma
+Fa_ says: "If one man slay another of set purpose, he himself may
+rightfully be slain." He who relies solely on warlike measures shall be
+exterminated; he who relies solely on peaceful measures shall perish.
+Instances of this are Fu Ch’ai [11] on the one hand and Yen Wang on the
+other. [12] In military matters, the Sage’s rule is normally to keep
+the peace, and to move his forces only when occasion requires. He will
+not use armed force unless driven to it by necessity.
+
+Many books have I read on the subject of war and fighting; but the work
+composed by Sun Wu is the profoundest of them all. [Sun Tzŭ was a
+native of the Ch’i state, his personal name was Wu. He wrote the _Art
+of War_ in 13 chapters for Ho Lu, King of Wu. Its principles were
+tested on women, and he was subsequently made a general. He led an army
+westwards, crushed the Ch’u state and entered Ying the capital. In the
+north, he kept Ch’i and Chin in awe. A hundred years and more after his
+time, Sun Pin lived. He was a descendant of Wu.] [13] In his treatment
+of deliberation and planning, the importance of rapidity in taking the
+field, [14] clearness of conception, and depth of design, Sun Tzŭ
+stands beyond the reach of carping criticism. My contemporaries,
+however, have failed to grasp the full meaning of his instructions, and
+while putting into practice the smaller details in which his work
+abounds, they have overlooked its essential purport. That is the motive
+which has led me to outline a rough explanation of the whole.
+
+One thing to be noticed in the above is the explicit statement that the
+13 chapters were specially composed for King Ho Lu. This is supported
+by the internal evidence of I. § 15, in which it seems clear that some
+ruler is addressed.
+
+In the bibliographic section of the _Han Shu_, there is an entry which
+has given rise to much discussion: "The works of Sun Tzŭ of Wu in 82
+_p’ien_ (or chapters), with diagrams in 9 _chuan_." It is evident that
+this cannot be merely the 13 chapters known to Ssu-ma Ch’ien, or those
+we possess today. Chang Shou-chieh refers to an edition of Sun Tzŭ’s
+_Art of War_ of which the "13 chapters" formed the first _chuan_,
+adding that there were two other _chuan_ besides. This has brought
+forth a theory, that the bulk of these 82 chapters consisted of other
+writings of Sun Tzŭ—we should call them apocryphal—similar to the _Wen
+Ta_, of which a specimen dealing with the Nine Situations [15] is
+preserved in the _T’ung Tien_, and another in Ho Shin’s commentary. It
+is suggested that before his interview with Ho Lu, Sun Tzŭ had only
+written the 13 chapters, but afterwards composed a sort of exegesis in
+the form of question and answer between himself and the King. Pi
+I-hsun, the author of the _Sun Tzŭ Hsu Lu_, backs this up with a
+quotation from the _Wu Yüeh Ch’un Ch’iu:_ "The King of Wu summoned Sun
+Tzŭ, and asked him questions about the art of war. Each time he set
+forth a chapter of his work, the King could not find words enough to
+praise him." As he points out, if the whole work was expounded on the
+same scale as in the above-mentioned fragments, the total number of
+chapters could not fail to be considerable. Then the numerous other
+treatises attributed to Sun Tzŭ might be included. The fact that the
+_Han Chih_ mentions no work of Sun Tzŭ except the 82 _p’ien_, whereas
+the Sui and T’ang bibliographies give the titles of others in addition
+to the "13 chapters," is good proof, Pi I-hsun thinks, that all of
+these were contained in the 82 _p’ien_. Without pinning our faith to
+the accuracy of details supplied by the _Wu Yüeh Ch’un Ch’iu_, or
+admitting the genuineness of any of the treatises cited by Pi I-hsun,
+we may see in this theory a probable solution of the mystery. Between
+Ssu-ma Ch’ien and Pan Ku there was plenty of time for a luxuriant crop
+of forgeries to have grown up under the magic name of Sun Tzŭ, and the
+82 _p’ien_ may very well represent a collected edition of these lumped
+together with the original work. It is also possible, though less
+likely, that some of them existed in the time of the earlier historian
+and were purposely ignored by him. [16]
+
+Tu Mu’s conjecture seems to be based on a passage which states: "Wei Wu
+Ti strung together Sun Wu’s _Art of War_," which in turn may have
+resulted from a misunderstanding of the final words of Ts’ao King’s
+preface. This, as Sun Hsing-yen points out, is only a modest way of
+saying that he made an explanatory paraphrase, or in other words, wrote
+a commentary on it. On the whole, this theory has met with very little
+acceptance. Thus, the _Ssu K’u Ch’uan Shu_ says: "The mention of the 13
+chapters in the _Shih Chi_ shows that they were in existence before the
+_Han Chih_, and that latter accretions are not to be considered part of
+the original work. Tu Mu’s assertion can certainly not be taken as
+proof."
+
+There is every reason to suppose, then, that the 13 chapters existed in
+the time of Ssu-ma Ch’ien practically as we have them now. That the
+work was then well known he tells us in so many words. "Sun Tzŭ’s _13
+Chapters_ and Wu Ch’i’s _Art of War_ are the two books that people
+commonly refer to on the subject of military matters. Both of them are
+widely distributed, so I will not discuss them here." But as we go
+further back, serious difficulties begin to arise. The salient fact
+which has to be faced is that the _Tso Chuan_, the greatest
+contemporary record, makes no mention whatsoever of Sun Wu, either as a
+general or as a writer. It is natural, in view of this awkward
+circumstance, that many scholars should not only cast doubt on the
+story of Sun Wu as given in the _Shih Chi_, but even show themselves
+frankly skeptical as to the existence of the man at all. The most
+powerful presentment of this side of the case is to be found in the
+following disposition by Yeh Shui-hsin: [17]—
+
+
+It is stated in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s history that Sun Wu was a native of the
+Ch’i State, and employed by Wu; and that in the reign of Ho Lu he
+crushed Ch’u, entered Ying, and was a great general. But in Tso’s
+Commentary no Sun Wu appears at all. It is true that Tso’s Commentary
+need not contain absolutely everything that other histories contain.
+But Tso has not omitted to mention vulgar plebeians and hireling
+ruffians such as Ying K’ao-shu, [18] Ts’ao Kuei, [19], Chu Chih-wu and
+Chuan She-chu [20]. In the case of Sun Wu, whose fame and achievements
+were so brilliant, the omission is much more glaring. Again, details
+are given, in their due order, about his contemporaries Wu Yuan and the
+Minister P’ei. [21] Is it credible that Sun Wu alone should have been
+passed over?
+
+In point of literary style, Sun Tzŭ’s work belongs to the same school
+as _Kuan Tzŭ_, [22] _Liu T’ao_, [23] and the _Yüeh Yu_ [24] and may
+have been the production of some private scholar living towards the end
+of the "Spring and Autumn" or the beginning of the "Warring States"
+period. [25] The story that his precepts were actually applied by the
+Wu State, is merely the outcome of big talk on the part of his
+followers.
+
+From the flourishing period of the Chou dynasty [26] down to the time
+of the "Spring and Autumn," all military commanders were statesmen as
+well, and the class of professional generals, for conducting external
+campaigns, did not then exist. It was not until the period of the "Six
+States" [27] that this custom changed. Now although Wu was an
+uncivilized State, it is conceivable that Tso should have left
+unrecorded the fact that Sun Wu was a great general and yet held no
+civil office? What we are told, therefore, about Jang-chu [28] and Sun
+Wu, is not authentic matter, but the reckless fabrication of theorizing
+pundits. The story of Ho Lu’s experiment on the women, in particular,
+is utterly preposterous and incredible.
+
+Yeh Shui-hsin represents Ssu-ma Ch’ien as having said that Sun Wu
+crushed Ch’u and entered Ying. This is not quite correct. No doubt the
+impression left on the reader’s mind is that he at least shared in
+these exploits. The fact may or may not be significant; but it is
+nowhere explicitly stated in the _Shih Chi_ either that Sun Tzŭ was
+general on the occasion of the taking of Ying, or that he even went
+there at all. Moreover, as we know that Wu Yuan and Po P’ei both took
+part in the expedition, and also that its success was largely due to
+the dash and enterprise of Fu Kai, Ho Lu’s younger brother, it is not
+easy to see how yet another general could have played a very prominent
+part in the same campaign.
+
+Ch’en Chen-sun of the Sung dynasty has the note:—
+
+Military writers look upon Sun Wu as the father of their art. But the
+fact that he does not appear in the _Tso Chuan_, although he is said to
+have served under Ho Lu King of Wu, makes it uncertain what period he
+really belonged to.
+
+
+He also says:—
+
+The works of Sun Wu and Wu Ch’i may be of genuine antiquity.
+
+
+It is noticeable that both Yeh Shui-hsin and Ch’en Chen-sun, while
+rejecting the personality of Sun Wu as he figures in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s
+history, are inclined to accept the date traditionally assigned to the
+work which passes under his name. The author of the _Hsu Lu_ fails to
+appreciate this distinction, and consequently his bitter attack on
+Ch’en Chen-sun really misses its mark. He makes one of two points,
+however, which certainly tell in favour of the high antiquity of our "13
+chapters." "Sun Tzŭ," he says, "must have lived in the age of Ching
+Wang [519-476], because he is frequently plagiarized in subsequent
+works of the Chou, Ch’in and Han dynasties." The two most shameless
+offenders in this respect are Wu Ch’i and Huai-nan Tzŭ, both of them
+important historical personages in their day. The former lived only a
+century after the alleged date of Sun Tzŭ, and his death is known to
+have taken place in 381 B.C. It was to him, according to Liu Hsiang,
+that Tseng Shen delivered the _Tso Chuan_, which had been entrusted to
+him by its author. [29] Now the fact that quotations from the _Art of
+War_, acknowledged or otherwise, are to be found in so many authors of
+different epochs, establishes a very strong anterior to them all,—in
+other words, that Sun Tzŭ’s treatise was already in existence towards
+the end of the 5th century B.C. Further proof of Sun Tzŭ’s antiquity is
+furnished by the archaic or wholly obsolete meanings attaching to a
+number of the words he uses. A list of these, which might perhaps be
+extended, is given in the _Hsu Lu;_ and though some of the
+interpretations are doubtful, the main argument is hardly affected
+thereby. Again, it must not be forgotten that Yeh Shui-hsin, a scholar
+and critic of the first rank, deliberately pronounces the style of the
+13 chapters to belong to the early part of the fifth century. Seeing
+that he is actually engaged in an attempt to disprove the existence of
+Sun Wu himself, we may be sure that he would not have hesitated to
+assign the work to a later date had he not honestly believed the
+contrary. And it is precisely on such a point that the judgment of an
+educated Chinaman will carry most weight. Other internal evidence is
+not far to seek. Thus in XIII. § 1, there is an unmistakable allusion
+to the ancient system of land-tenure which had already passed away by
+the time of Mencius, who was anxious to see it revived in a modified
+form. [30] The only warfare Sun Tzŭ knows is that carried on between
+the various feudal princes, in which armored chariots play a large
+part. Their use seems to have entirely died out before the end of the
+Chou dynasty. He speaks as a man of Wu, a state which ceased to exist
+as early as 473 B.C. On this I shall touch presently.
+
+But once refer the work to the 5th century or earlier, and the chances
+of its being other than a _bonâ fide_ production are sensibly
+diminished. The great age of forgeries did not come until long after.
+That it should have been forged in the period immediately following 473
+is particularly unlikely, for no one, as a rule, hastens to identify
+himself with a lost cause. As for Yeh Shui-hsin’s theory, that the
+author was a literary recluse, that seems to me quite untenable. If one
+thing is more apparent than another after reading the maxims of Sun
+Tzŭ, it is that their essence has been distilled from a large store of
+personal observation and experience. They reflect the mind not only of
+a born strategist, gifted with a rare faculty of generalization, but
+also of a practical soldier closely acquainted with the military
+conditions of his time. To say nothing of the fact that these sayings
+have been accepted and endorsed by all the greatest captains of Chinese
+history, they offer a combination of freshness and sincerity, acuteness
+and common sense, which quite excludes the idea that they were
+artificially concocted in the study. If we admit, then, that the 13
+chapters were the genuine production of a military man living towards
+the end of the "_Ch’un Ch’iu_" period, are we not bound, in spite of
+the silence of the _Tso Chuan_, to accept Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s account in
+its entirety? In view of his high repute as a sober historian, must we
+not hesitate to assume that the records he drew upon for Sun Wu’s
+biography were false and untrustworthy? The answer, I fear, must be in
+the negative. There is still one grave, if not fatal, objection to the
+chronology involved in the story as told in the _Shih Chi_, which, so
+far as I am aware, nobody has yet pointed out. There are two passages
+in Sun Tzŭ in which he alludes to contemporary affairs. The first in in
+VI. § 21:—
+
+Though according to my estimate the soldiers of Yüeh exceed our own in
+number, that shall advantage them nothing in the matter of victory. I
+say then that victory can be achieved.
+
+
+The other is in XI. § 30:—
+
+Asked if an army can be made to imitate the _shuai-jan_, I should
+answer, Yes. For the men of Wu and the men of Yüeh are enemies; yet if
+they are crossing a river in the same boat and are caught by a storm,
+they will come to each other’s assistance just as the left hand helps
+the right.
+
+
+These two paragraphs are extremely valuable as evidence of the date of
+composition. They assign the work to the period of the struggle between
+Wu and Yüeh. So much has been observed by Pi I-hsun. But what has
+hitherto escaped notice is that they also seriously impair the
+credibility of Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s narrative. As we have seen above, the
+first positive date given in connection with Sun Wu is 512 B.C. He is
+then spoken of as a general, acting as confidential adviser to Ho Lu,
+so that his alleged introduction to that monarch had already taken
+place, and of course the 13 chapters must have been written earlier
+still. But at that time, and for several years after, down to the
+capture of Ying in 506, Ch’u and not Yüeh, was the great hereditary
+enemy of Wu. The two states, Ch’u and Wu, had been constantly at war
+for over half a century, [31] whereas the first war between Wu and Yüeh
+was waged only in 510, [32] and even then was no more than a short
+interlude sandwiched in the midst of the fierce struggle with Ch’u. Now
+Ch’u is not mentioned in the 13 chapters at all. The natural inference
+is that they were written at a time when Yüeh had become the prime
+antagonist of Wu, that is, after Ch’u had suffered the great
+humiliation of 506. At this point, a table of dates may be found
+useful.
+
+
+B.C.
+514	Accession of Ho Lu.
+512	Ho Lu attacks Ch’u, but is dissuaded from entering Ying,
+the capital. Shih Chi mentions Sun Wu as general.
+511	Another attack on Ch’u.
+510	Wu makes a successful attack on Yüeh. This is the first
+war between the two states.
+509 or 508	Ch’u invades Wu, but is signally defeated at Yu-chang.
+506	Ho Lu attacks Ch’u with the aid of T’ang and Ts’ai.
+Decisive battle of Po-chu, and capture of Ying. Last
+mention of Sun Wu in Shih Chi.
+505	Yüeh makes a raid on Wu in the absence of its army. Wu
+is beaten by Ch’in and evacuates Ying.
+504	Ho Lu sends Fu Ch’ai to attack Ch’u.
+497	Kou Chien becomes King of Yüeh.
+496	Wu attacks Yüeh, but is defeated by Kou Chien at Tsui-li.
+Ho Lu is killed.
+494	Fu Ch’ai defeats Kou Chien in the great battle of Fu-
+chaio, and enters the capital of Yüeh.
+485 or 484	Kou Chien renders homage to Wu. Death of Wu Tzŭ-hsu.
+482	Kou Chien invades Wu in the absence of Fu Ch’ai.
+478 to 476	Further attacks by Yüeh on Wu.
+475	Kou Chien lays siege to the capital of Wu.
+473	Final defeat and extinction of Wu.
+
+
+The sentence quoted above from VI. § 21 hardly strikes me as one that
+could have been written in the full flush of victory. It seems rather
+to imply that, for the moment at least, the tide had turned against Wu,
+and that she was getting the worst of the struggle. Hence we may
+conclude that our treatise was not in existence in 505, before which
+date Yüeh does not appear to have scored any notable success against
+Wu. Ho Lu died in 496, so that if the book was written for him, it must
+have been during the period 505-496, when there was a lull in the
+hostilities, Wu having presumably exhausted by its supreme effort
+against Ch’u. On the other hand, if we choose to disregard the
+tradition connecting Sun Wu’s name with Ho Lu, it might equally well
+have seen the light between 496 and 494, or possibly in the period
+482-473, when Yüeh was once again becoming a very serious menace. [33]
+We may feel fairly certain that the author, whoever he may have been,
+was not a man of any great eminence in his own day. On this point the
+negative testimony of the _Tso Chuan_ far outweighs any shred of
+authority still attaching to the _Shih Chi_, if once its other facts
+are discredited. Sun Hsing-yen, however, makes a feeble attempt to
+explain the omission of his name from the great commentary. It was Wu
+Tzŭ-hsu, he says, who got all the credit of Sun Wu’s exploits, because
+the latter (being an alien) was not rewarded with an office in the
+State.
+
+How then did the Sun Tzŭ legend originate? It may be that the growing
+celebrity of the book imparted by degrees a kind of factitious renown
+to its author. It was felt to be only right and proper that one so well
+versed in the science of war should have solid achievements to his
+credit as well. Now the capture of Ying was undoubtedly the greatest
+feat of arms in Ho Lu’s reign; it made a deep and lasting impression on
+all the surrounding states, and raised Wu to the short-lived zenith of
+her power. Hence, what more natural, as time went on, than that the
+acknowledged master of strategy, Sun Wu, should be popularly identified
+with that campaign, at first perhaps only in the sense that his brain
+conceived and planned it; afterwards, that it was actually carried out
+by him in conjunction with Wu Yuan, [34] Po P’ei and Fu Kai?
+
+It is obvious that any attempt to reconstruct even the outline of Sun
+Tzŭ’s life must be based almost wholly on conjecture. With this
+necessary proviso, I should say that he probably entered the service of
+Wu about the time of Ho Lu’s accession, and gathered experience, though
+only in the capacity of a subordinate officer, during the intense
+military activity which marked the first half of the prince’s reign.
+[35] If he rose to be a general at all, he certainly was never on an
+equal footing with the three above mentioned. He was doubtless present
+at the investment and occupation of Ying, and witnessed Wu’s sudden
+collapse in the following year. Yüeh’s attack at this critical
+juncture, when her rival was embarrassed on every side, seems to have
+convinced him that this upstart kingdom was the great enemy against
+whom every effort would henceforth have to be directed. Sun Wu was thus
+a well-seasoned warrior when he sat down to write his famous book,
+which according to my reckoning must have appeared towards the end,
+rather than the beginning of Ho Lu’s reign. The story of the women may
+possibly have grown out of some real incident occurring about the same
+time. As we hear no more of Sun Wu after this from any source, he is
+hardly likely to have survived his patron or to have taken part in the
+death-struggle with Yüeh, which began with the disaster at Tsui-li.
+
+If these inferences are approximately correct, there is a certain irony
+in the fate which decreed that China’s most illustrious man of peace
+should be contemporary with her greatest writer on war.
+
+
+
+The Text of Sun Tzŭ
+
+I have found it difficult to glean much about the history of Sun Tzŭ’s
+text. The quotations that occur in early authors go to show that the
+"13 chapters" of which Ssu-ma Ch’ien speaks were essentially the same
+as those now extant. We have his word for it that they were widely
+circulated in his day, and can only regret that he refrained from
+discussing them on that account. Sun Hsing-yen says in his preface:—
+
+During the Ch’in and Han dynasties Sun Tzŭ’s _Art of War_ was in
+general use amongst military commanders, but they seem to have treated
+it as a work of mysterious import, and were unwilling to expound it for
+the benefit of posterity. Thus it came about that Wei Wu was the first
+to write a commentary on it.
+
+
+As we have already seen, there is no reasonable ground to suppose that
+Ts’ao Kung tampered with the text. But the text itself is often so
+obscure, and the number of editions which appeared from that time
+onward so great, especially during the T’ang and Sung dynasties, that
+it would be surprising if numerous corruptions had not managed to creep
+in. Towards the middle of the Sung period, by which time all the chief
+commentaries on Sun Tzŭ were in existence, a certain Chi T’ien-pao
+published a work in 15 _chuan_ entitled "Sun Tzŭ with the collected
+commentaries of ten writers." There was another text, with variant
+readings put forward by Chu Fu of Ta-hsing, which also had supporters
+among the scholars of that period; but in the Ming editions, Sun
+Hsing-yen tells us, these readings were for some reason or other no
+longer put into circulation. Thus, until the end of the 18th century,
+the text in sole possession of the field was one derived from Chi
+T’ien-pao’s edition, although no actual copy of that important work was
+known to have survived. That, therefore, is the text of Sun Tzŭ which
+appears in the War section of the great Imperial encyclopedia printed
+in 1726, the _Ku Chin T’u Shu Chi Ch’eng_. Another copy at my disposal
+of what is practically the same text, with slight variations, is that
+contained in the "Eleven philosophers of the Chou and Ch’in dynasties"
+[1758]. And the Chinese printed in Capt. Calthrop’s first edition is
+evidently a similar version which has filtered through Japanese
+channels. So things remained until Sun Hsing-yen [1752-1818], a
+distinguished antiquarian and classical scholar, who claimed to be an
+actual descendant of Sun Wu, [36] accidentally discovered a copy of Chi
+T’ien-pao’s long-lost work, when on a visit to the library of the
+Hua-yin temple. [37] Appended to it was the _I Shuo_ of Cheng Yu-Hsien,
+mentioned in the _T’ung Chih_, and also believed to have perished. This
+is what Sun Hsing-yen designates as the "original edition (or text)"—a
+rather misleading name, for it cannot by any means claim to set before
+us the text of Sun Tzŭ in its pristine purity. Chi T’ien-pao was a
+careless compiler, and appears to have been content to reproduce the
+somewhat debased version current in his day, without troubling to
+collate it with the earliest editions then available. Fortunately, two
+versions of Sun Tzŭ, even older than the newly discovered work, were
+still extant, one buried in the _T’ung Tien_, Tu Yu’s great treatise on
+the Constitution, the other similarly enshrined in the _T’ai P’ing Yu
+Lan_ encyclopedia. In both the complete text is to be found, though
+split up into fragments, intermixed with other matter, and scattered
+piecemeal over a number of different sections. Considering that the _Yu
+Lan_ takes us back to the year 983, and the _T’ung Tien_ about 200
+years further still, to the middle of the T’ang dynasty, the value of
+these early transcripts of Sun Tzŭ can hardly be overestimated. Yet the
+idea of utilizing them does not seem to have occurred to anyone until
+Sun Hsing-yen, acting under Government instructions, undertook a
+thorough recension of the text. This is his own account:—
+
+Because of the numerous mistakes in the text of Sun Tzŭ which his
+editors had handed down, the Government ordered that the ancient
+edition [of Chi T’ien-pao] should be used, and that the text should be
+revised and corrected throughout. It happened that Wu Nien-hu, the
+Governor Pi Kua, and Hsi, a graduate of the second degree, had all
+devoted themselves to this study, probably surpassing me therein.
+Accordingly, I have had the whole work cut on blocks as a textbook for
+military men.
+
+
+The three individuals here referred to had evidently been occupied on
+the text of Sun Tzŭ prior to Sun Hsing-yen’s commission, but we are
+left in doubt as to the work they really accomplished. At any rate, the
+new edition, when ultimately produced, appeared in the names of Sun
+Hsing-yen and only one co-editor Wu Jen-shi. They took the "original
+edition" as their basis, and by careful comparison with older versions,
+as well as the extant commentaries and other sources of information
+such as the _I Shuo_, succeeded in restoring a very large number of
+doubtful passages, and turned out, on the whole, what must be accepted
+as the closest approximation we are ever likely to get to Sun Tzŭ’s
+original work. This is what will hereafter be denominated the "standard
+text."
+
+The copy which I have used belongs to a reissue dated 1877. It is in 6
+_pen_, forming part of a well-printed set of 23 early philosophical
+works in 83 _pen_. [38] It opens with a preface by Sun Hsing-yen
+(largely quoted in this introduction), vindicating the traditional view
+of Sun Tzŭ’s life and performances, and summing up in remarkably
+concise fashion the evidence in its favour. This is followed by Ts’ao
+Kung’s preface to his edition, and the biography of Sun Tzŭ from the
+_Shih Chi_, both translated above. Then come, firstly, Cheng Yu-hsien’s
+_I Shuo_, [39] with author’s preface, and next, a short miscellany of
+historical and bibliographical information entitled _Sun Tzŭ Hsu Lu_,
+compiled by Pi I-hsun. As regards the body of the work, each separate
+sentence is followed by a note on the text, if required, and then by
+the various commentaries appertaining to it, arranged in chronological
+order. These we shall now proceed to discuss briefly, one by one.
+
+
+
+The Commentators
+
+Sun Tzŭ can boast an exceptionally long distinguished roll of
+commentators, which would do honour to any classic. Ou-yang Hsiu remarks
+on this fact, though he wrote before the tale was complete, and rather
+ingeniously explains it by saying that the artifices of war, being
+inexhaustible, must therefore be susceptible of treatment in a great
+variety of ways.
+
+1. TS’AO TS’AO or Ts’ao Kung, afterwards known as Wei Wu Ti [A.D.
+155-220]. There is hardly any room for doubt that the earliest
+commentary on Sun Tzŭ actually came from the pen of this extraordinary
+man, whose biography in the _San Kuo Chih_ reads like a romance. One of
+the greatest military geniuses that the world has seen, and Napoleonic
+in the scale of his operations, he was especially famed for the
+marvelous rapidity of his marches, which has found expression in the
+line "Talk of Ts’ao Ts’ao, and Ts’ao Ts’ao will appear." Ou-yang Hsiu
+says of him that he was a great captain who "measured his strength
+against Tung Cho, Lu Pu and the two Yuan, father and son, and
+vanquished them all; whereupon he divided the Empire of Han with Wu and
+Shu, and made himself king. It is recorded that whenever a council of
+war was held by Wei on the eve of a far-reaching campaign, he had all
+his calculations ready; those generals who made use of them did not
+lose one battle in ten; those who ran counter to them in any particular
+saw their armies incontinently beaten and put to flight." Ts’ao Kung’s
+notes on Sun Tzŭ, models of austere brevity, are so thoroughly
+characteristic of the stern commander known to history, that it is hard
+indeed to conceive of them as the work of a mere _littérateur_.
+Sometimes, indeed, owing to extreme compression, they are scarcely
+intelligible and stand no less in need of a commentary than the text
+itself. [40]
+
+2. MENG SHIH. The commentary which has come down to us under this name
+is comparatively meager, and nothing about the author is known. Even
+his personal name has not been recorded. Chi T’ien-pao’s edition places
+him after Chia Lin, and Ch’ao Kung-wu also assigns him to the T’ang
+dynasty, [41] but this is a mistake. In Sun Hsing-yen’s preface, he
+appears as Meng Shih of the Liang dynasty [502-557]. Others would
+identify him with Meng K’ang of the 3rd century. He is named in one
+work as the last of the "Five Commentators," the others being Wei Wu
+Ti, Tu Mu, Ch’en Hao and Chia Lin.
+
+3. LI CH’UAN of the 8th century was a well-known writer on military
+tactics. One of his works has been in constant use down to the present
+day. The _T’ung Chih_ mentions "Lives of famous generals from the Chou
+to the T’ang dynasty" as written by him. [42] According to Ch’ao
+Kung-wu and the _T’ien-i-ko_ catalogue, he followed a variant of the
+text of Sun Tzŭ which differs considerably from those now extant. His
+notes are mostly short and to the point, and he frequently illustrates
+his remarks by anecdotes from Chinese history.
+
+4. TU YU (died 812) did not publish a separate commentary on Sun Tzŭ,
+his notes being taken from the _T’ung Tien_, the encyclopedic treatise
+on the Constitution which was his life-work. They are largely
+repetitions of Ts’ao Kung and Meng Shih, besides which it is believed
+that he drew on the ancient commentaries of Wang Ling and others. Owing
+to the peculiar arrangement of _T’ung Tien_, he has to explain each
+passage on its merits, apart from the context, and sometimes his own
+explanation does not agree with that of Ts’ao Kung, whom he always
+quotes first. Though not strictly to be reckoned as one of the "Ten
+Commentators," he was added to their number by Chi T’ien-pao, being
+wrongly placed after his grandson Tu Mu.
+
+5. TU MU (803-852) is perhaps the best known as a poet—a bright star
+even in the glorious galaxy of the T’ang period. We learn from Ch’ao
+Kung-wu that although he had no practical experience of war, he was
+extremely fond of discussing the subject, and was moreover well read in
+the military history of the _Ch’un Ch’iu_ and _Chan Kuo_ eras. His
+notes, therefore, are well worth attention. They are very copious, and
+replete with historical parallels. The gist of Sun Tzŭ’s work is thus
+summarized by him: "Practice benevolence and justice, but on the other
+hand make full use of artifice and measures of expediency." He further
+declared that all the military triumphs and disasters of the thousand
+years which had elapsed since Sun Tzŭ’s death would, upon examination,
+be found to uphold and corroborate, in every particular, the maxims
+contained in his book. Tu Mu’s somewhat spiteful charge against Ts’ao
+Kung has already been considered elsewhere.
+
+6. CH’EN HAO appears to have been a contemporary of Tu Mu. Ch’ao
+Kung-wu says that he was impelled to write a new commentary on Sun Tzŭ
+because Ts’ao Kung’s on the one hand was too obscure and subtle, and
+that of Tu Mu on the other too long-winded and diffuse. Ou-yang Hsiu,
+writing in the middle of the 11th century, calls Ts’ao Kung, Tu Mu and
+Ch’en Hao the three chief commentators on Sun Tzŭ, and observes that
+Ch’en Hao is continually attacking Tu Mu’s shortcomings. His
+commentary, though not lacking in merit, must rank below those of his
+predecessors.
+
+7. CHIA LIN is known to have lived under the T’ang dynasty, for his
+commentary on Sun Tzŭ is mentioned in the _T’ang Shu_ and was
+afterwards republished by Chi Hsieh of the same dynasty together with
+those of Meng Shih and Tu Yu. It is of somewhat scanty texture, and in
+point of quality, too, perhaps the least valuable of the eleven.
+
+8. MEI YAO-CH’EN (1002-1060), commonly known by his "style" as Mei
+Sheng-yu, was, like Tu Mu, a poet of distinction. His commentary was
+published with a laudatory preface by the great Ou-yang Hsiu, from
+which we may cull the following:—
+
+Later scholars have misread Sun Tzŭ, distorting his words and trying to
+make them square with their own one-sided views. Thus, though
+commentators have not been lacking, only a few have proved equal to the
+task. My friend Sheng-yu has not fallen into this mistake. In
+attempting to provide a critical commentary for Sun Tzŭ’s work, he does
+not lose sight of the fact that these sayings were intended for states
+engaged in internecine warfare; that the author is not concerned with
+the military conditions prevailing under the sovereigns of the three
+ancient dynasties, [43] nor with the nine punitive measures prescribed
+to the Minister of War. [44] Again, Sun Wu loved brevity of diction,
+but his meaning is always deep. Whether the subject be marching an
+army, or handling soldiers, or estimating the enemy, or controlling the
+forces of victory, it is always systematically treated; the sayings are
+bound together in strict logical sequence, though this has been
+obscured by commentators who have probably failed to grasp their
+meaning. In his own commentary, Mei Sheng-yu has brushed aside all the
+obstinate prejudices of these critics, and has tried to bring out the
+true meaning of Sun Tzŭ himself. In this way, the clouds of confusion
+have been dispersed and the sayings made clear. I am convinced that the
+present work deserves to be handed down side by side with the three
+great commentaries; and for a great deal that they find in the sayings,
+coming generations will have constant reason to thank my friend
+Sheng-yu.
+
+
+Making some allowance for the exuberance of friendship, I am inclined
+to endorse this favourable judgment, and would certainly place him above
+Ch’en Hao in order of merit.
+
+9. WANG HSI, also of the Sung dynasty, is decidedly original in some of
+his interpretations, but much less judicious than Mei Yao-ch’en, and on
+the whole not a very trustworthy guide. He is fond of comparing his own
+commentary with that of Ts’ao Kung, but the comparison is not often
+flattering to him. We learn from Ch’ao Kung-wu that Wang Hsi revised
+the ancient text of Sun Tzŭ, filling up lacunae and correcting
+mistakes. [45]
+
+10. HO YEN-HSI of the Sung dynasty. The personal name of this
+commentator is given as above by Cheng Ch’iao in the _Tung Chih_,
+written about the middle of the twelfth century, but he appears simply
+as Ho Shih in the _Yu Hai_, and Ma Tuan-lin quotes Ch’ao Kung-wu as
+saying that his personal name is unknown. There seems to be no reason
+to doubt Cheng Ch’iao’s statement, otherwise I should have been
+inclined to hazard a guess and identify him with one Ho Ch’u-fei, the
+author of a short treatise on war, who lived in the latter part of the
+11th century. Ho Shih’s commentary, in the words of the _T’ien-i-ko_
+catalogue, "contains helpful additions" here and there, but is chiefly
+remarkable for the copious extracts taken, in adapted form, from the
+dynastic histories and other sources.
+
+11. CHANG YU. The list closes with a commentator of no great
+originality perhaps, but gifted with admirable powers of lucid
+exposition. His commentator is based on that of Ts’ao Kung, whose terse
+sentences he contrives to expand and develop in masterly fashion.
+Without Chang Yu, it is safe to say that much of Ts’ao Kung’s
+commentary would have remained cloaked in its pristine obscurity and
+therefore valueless. His work is not mentioned in the Sung history, the
+_T’ung K’ao_, or the _Yu Hai_, but it finds a niche in the _T’ung
+Chih_, which also names him as the author of the "Lives of Famous
+Generals." [46]
+
+It is rather remarkable that the last-named four should all have
+flourished within so short a space of time. Ch’ao Kung-wu accounts for
+it by saying: "During the early years of the Sung dynasty the Empire
+enjoyed a long spell of peace, and men ceased to practice the art of
+war. but when [Chao] Yuan-hao’s rebellion came [1038-42] and the
+frontier generals were defeated time after time, the Court made
+strenuous inquiry for men skilled in war, and military topics became
+the vogue amongst all the high officials. Hence it is that the
+commentators of Sun Tzŭ in our dynasty belong mainly to that period.
+[47]
+
+Besides these eleven commentators, there are several others whose work
+has not come down to us. The _Sui Shu_ mentions four, namely Wang Ling
+(often quoted by Tu Yu as Wang Tzŭ); Chang Tzŭ-shang; Chia Hsu of Wei;
+[48] and Shen Yu of Wu. The _T’ang Shu_ adds Sun Hao, and the _T’ung
+Chih_ Hsiao Chi, while the _T’u Shu_ mentions a Ming commentator, Huang
+Jun-yu. It is possible that some of these may have been merely
+collectors and editors of other commentaries, like Chi T’ien-pao and
+Chi Hsieh, mentioned above.
+
+
+
+Appreciations of Sun Tzŭ
+
+Sun Tzŭ has exercised a potent fascination over the minds of some of
+China’s greatest men. Among the famous generals who are known to have
+studied his pages with enthusiasm may be mentioned Han Hsin (_d_. 196
+B.C.), [49] Feng I (_d_. 34 A.D.), [50] Lu Meng (_d_. 219), [51] and Yo
+Fei (1103-1141). [52] The opinion of Ts’ao Kung, who disputes with Han
+Hsin the highest place in Chinese military annals, has already been
+recorded. [53] Still more remarkable, in one way, is the testimony of
+purely literary men, such as Su Hsun (the father of Su Tung-p’o), who
+wrote several essays on military topics, all of which owe their chief
+inspiration to Sun Tzŭ. The following short passage by him is preserved
+in the _Yu Hai:_ [54]—
+
+Sun Wu’s saying, that in war one cannot make certain of conquering,
+[55] is very different indeed from what other books tell us. [56] Wu
+Ch’i was a man of the same stamp as Sun Wu: they both wrote books on
+war, and they are linked together in popular speech as "Sun and Wu."
+But Wu Ch’i’s remarks on war are less weighty, his rules are rougher
+and more crudely stated, and there is not the same unity of plan as in
+Sun Tzŭ’s work, where the style is terse, but the meaning fully brought
+out.
+
+
+The following is an extract from the "Impartial Judgments in the Garden
+of Literature" by Cheng Hou:—
+
+Sun Tzŭ’s 13 chapters are not only the staple and base of all military
+men’s training, but also compel the most careful attention of scholars
+and men of letters. His sayings are terse yet elegant, simple yet
+profound, perspicuous and eminently practical. Such works as the _Lun
+Yu_, the _I Ching_ and the great Commentary, [57] as well as the
+writings of Mencius, Hsun K’uang and Yang Chu, all fall below the level
+of Sun Tzŭ.
+
+
+Chu Hsi, commenting on this, fully admits the first part of the
+criticism, although he dislikes the audacious comparison with the
+venerated classical works. Language of this sort, he says, "encourages
+a ruler’s bent towards unrelenting warfare and reckless militarism."
+
+
+
+Apologies for War
+
+Accustomed as we are to think of China as the greatest peace-loving
+nation on earth, we are in some danger of forgetting that her
+experience of war in all its phases has also been such as no modern
+State can parallel. Her long military annals stretch back to a point at
+which they are lost in the mists of time. She had built the Great Wall
+and was maintaining a huge standing army along her frontier centuries
+before the first Roman legionary was seen on the Danube. What with the
+perpetual collisions of the ancient feudal States, the grim conflicts
+with Huns, Turks and other invaders after the centralization of
+government, the terrific upheavals which accompanied the overthrow of
+so many dynasties, besides the countless rebellions and minor
+disturbances that have flamed up and flickered out again one by one, it
+is hardly too much to say that the clash of arms has never ceased to
+resound in one portion or another of the Empire.
+
+No less remarkable is the succession of illustrious captains to whom
+China can point with pride. As in all countries, the greatest are fond
+of emerging at the most fateful crises of her history. Thus, Po Ch’i
+stands out conspicuous in the period when Ch’in was entering upon her
+final struggle with the remaining independent states. The stormy years
+which followed the break-up of the Ch’in dynasty are illuminated by the
+transcendent genius of Han Hsin. When the House of Han in turn is
+tottering to its fall, the great and baleful figure of Ts’ao Ts’ao
+dominates the scene. And in the establishment of the T’ang dynasty, one
+of the mightiest tasks achieved by man, the superhuman energy of Li
+Shih-min (afterwards the Emperor T’ai Tsung) was seconded by the
+brilliant strategy of Li Ching. None of these generals need fear
+comparison with the greatest names in the military history of Europe.
+
+In spite of all this, the great body of Chinese sentiment, from Lao Tzŭ
+downwards, and especially as reflected in the standard literature of
+Confucianism, has been consistently pacific and intensely opposed to
+militarism in any form. It is such an uncommon thing to find any of the
+literati defending warfare on principle, that I have thought it worth
+while to collect and translate a few passages in which the unorthodox
+view is upheld. The following, by Ssu-ma Ch’ien, shows that for all his
+ardent admiration of Confucius, he was yet no advocate of peace at any
+price:—
+
+Military weapons are the means used by the Sage to punish violence and
+cruelty, to give peace to troublous times, to remove difficulties and
+dangers, and to succour those who are in peril. Every animal with blood
+in its veins and horns on its head will fight when it is attacked. How
+much more so will man, who carries in his breast the faculties of love
+and hatred, joy and anger! When he is pleased, a feeling of affection
+springs up within him; when angry, his poisoned sting is brought into
+play. That is the natural law which governs his being…. What then shall
+be said of those scholars of our time, blind to all great issues, and
+without any appreciation of relative values, who can only bark out
+their stale formulas about "virtue" and "civilization," condemning the
+use of military weapons? They will surely bring our country to
+impotence and dishonour and the loss of her rightful heritage; or, at
+the very least, they will bring about invasion and rebellion, sacrifice
+of territory and general enfeeblement. Yet they obstinately refuse to
+modify the position they have taken up. The truth is that, just as in
+the family the teacher must not spare the rod, and punishments cannot
+be dispensed with in the State, so military chastisement can never be
+allowed to fall into abeyance in the Empire. All one can say is that
+this power will be exercised wisely by some, foolishly by others, and
+that among those who bear arms some will be loyal and others
+rebellious. [58]
+
+
+The next piece is taken from Tu Mu’s preface to his commentary on Sun
+Tzŭ:—
+
+
+War may be defined as punishment, which is one of the functions of
+government. It was the profession of Chung Yu and Jan Ch’iu, both
+disciples of Confucius. Nowadays, the holding of trials and hearing of
+litigation, the imprisonment of offenders and their execution by
+flogging in the market-place, are all done by officials. But the
+wielding of huge armies, the throwing down of fortified cities, the
+hauling of women and children into captivity, and the beheading of
+traitors—this is also work which is done by officials. The objects of
+the rack and of military weapons are essentially the same. There is no
+intrinsic difference between the punishment of flogging and cutting off
+heads in war. For the lesser infractions of law, which are easily dealt
+with, only a small amount of force need be employed: hence the use of
+military weapons and wholesale decapitation. In both cases, however,
+the end in view is to get rid of wicked people, and to give comfort and
+relief to the good….
+
+Chi-sun asked Jan Yu, saying: "Have you, Sir, acquired your military
+aptitude by study, or is it innate?" Jan Yu replied: "It has been
+acquired by study." [59] "How can that be so," said Chi-sun, "seeing
+that you are a disciple of Confucius?" "It is a fact," replied Jan Yu;
+"I was taught by Confucius. It is fitting that the great Sage should
+exercise both civil and military functions, though to be sure my
+instruction in the art of fighting has not yet gone very far."
+
+Now, who the author was of this rigid distinction between the "civil"
+and the "military," and the limitation of each to a separate sphere of
+action, or in what year of which dynasty it was first introduced, is
+more than I can say. But, at any rate, it has come about that the
+members of the governing class are quite afraid of enlarging on
+military topics, or do so only in a shamefaced manner. If any are bold
+enough to discuss the subject, they are at once set down as eccentric
+individuals of coarse and brutal propensities. This is an extraordinary
+instance in which, through sheer lack of reasoning, men unhappily lose
+sight of fundamental principles.
+
+When the Duke of Chou was minister under Ch’eng Wang, he regulated
+ceremonies and made music, and venerated the arts of scholarship and
+learning; yet when the barbarians of the River Huai revolted, [60] he
+sallied forth and chastised them. When Confucius held office under the
+Duke of Lu, and a meeting was convened at Chia-ku, [61] he said: "If
+pacific negotiations are in progress, warlike preparations should have
+been made beforehand." He rebuked and shamed the Marquis of Ch’i, who
+cowered under him and dared not proceed to violence. How can it be said
+that these two great Sages had no knowledge of military matters?
+
+We have seen that the great Chu Hsi held Sun Tzŭ in high esteem. He
+also appeals to the authority of the Classics:—
+
+Our Master Confucius, answering Duke Ling of Wei, said: "I have never
+studied matters connected with armies and battalions." [62] Replying to
+K’ung Wen-tzu, he said: I have not been instructed about buff-coats and
+weapons." But if we turn to the meeting at Chia-ku, we find that he
+used armed force against the men of Lai, so that the marquis of Ch’i
+was overawed. Again, when the inhabitants of Pi revolted; he ordered
+his officers to attack them, whereupon they were defeated and fled in
+confusion. He once uttered the words: "If I fight, I conquer." [63] And
+Jan Yu also said: "The Sage exercises both civil and military
+functions." [64] Can it be a fact that Confucius never studied or
+received instruction in the art of war? We can only say that he did not
+specially choose matters connected with armies and fighting to be the
+subject of his teaching.
+
+
+Sun Hsing-yen, the editor of Sun Tzŭ, writes in similar strain:—
+
+
+Confucius said: "I am unversed in military matters." [65] He also said:
+"If I fight, I conquer." Confucius ordered ceremonies and regulated
+music. Now war constitutes one of the five classes of State ceremonial,
+[66] and must not be treated as an independent branch of study. Hence,
+the words "I am unversed in" must be taken to mean that there are
+things which even an inspired Teacher does not know. Those who have to
+lead an army and devise stratagems, must learn the art of war. But if
+one can command the services of a good general like Sun Tzŭ, who was
+employed by Wu Tzŭ-hsu, there is no need to learn it oneself. Hence the
+remark added by Confucius: "If I fight, I conquer."
+
+The men of the present day, however, willfully interpret these words of
+Confucius in their narrowest sense, as though he meant that books on
+the art of war were not worth reading. With blind persistency, they
+adduce the example of Chao Kua, who pored over his father’s books to no
+purpose, [67] as a proof that all military theory is useless. Again,
+seeing that books on war have to do with such things as opportunism in
+designing plans, and the conversion of spies, they hold that the art is
+immoral and unworthy of a sage. These people ignore the fact that the
+studies of our scholars and the civil administration of our officials
+also require steady application and practice before efficiency is
+reached. The ancients were particularly chary of allowing mere novices
+to botch their work. [68] Weapons are baneful [69] and fighting
+perilous; and useless unless a general is in constant practice, he
+ought not to hazard other men’s lives in battle. [70] Hence it is
+essential that Sun Tzŭ’s 13 chapters should be studied.
+
+Hsiang Liang used to instruct his nephew Chi [71] in the art of war.
+Chi got a rough idea of the art in its general bearings, but would not
+pursue his studies to their proper outcome, the consequence being that
+he was finally defeated and overthrown. He did not realize that the
+tricks and artifices of war are beyond verbal computation. Duke Hsiang
+of Sung and King Yen of Hsu were brought to destruction by their
+misplaced humanity. The treacherous and underhand nature of war
+necessitates the use of guile and stratagem suited to the occasion.
+There is a case on record of Confucius himself having violated an
+extorted oath, [72] and also of his having left the Sung State in
+disguise. [73] Can we then recklessly arraign Sun Tzŭ for disregarding
+truth and honesty?
+
+
+
+Bibliography
+
+The following are the oldest Chinese treatises on war, after Sun Tzŭ.
+The notes on each have been drawn principally from the _Ssu k’u ch’uan
+shu chien ming mu lu_, ch. 9, fol. 22 sqq.
+
+1. _Wu Tzŭ_, in 1 _chuan_ or 6 chapters. By Wu Ch’i (_d_. 381 B.C.). A
+genuine work. See _Shih Chi_, ch. 65.
+
+2. _Ssu-ma Fa_, in 1 _chuan_ or 5 chapters. Wrongly attributed to
+Ssu-ma Jang-chu of the 6th century B.C. Its date, however, must be
+early, as the customs of the three ancient dynasties are constantly to
+be met within its pages. See _Shih Chi_, ch. 64.
+
+The _Ssu K’u Ch’uan Shu_ (ch. 99, f. 1) remarks that the oldest three
+treatises on war, _Sun Tzŭ_, _Wu Tzŭ_ and _Ssu-ma Fa_, are, generally
+speaking, only concerned with things strictly military—the art of
+producing, collecting, training and drilling troops, and the correct
+theory with regard to measures of expediency, laying plans, transport
+of goods and the handling of soldiers—in strong contrast to later
+works, in which the science of war is usually blended with metaphysics,
+divination and magical arts in general.
+
+3. _Liu T’ao_, in 6 _chuan_, or 60 chapters. Attributed to Lu Wang (or
+Lu Shang, also known as T’ai Kung) of the 12th century B.C. [74] But
+its style does not belong to the era of the Three Dynasties. Lu Te-ming
+(550-625 A.D.) mentions the work, and enumerates the headings of the
+six sections so that the forgery cannot have been later than Sui
+dynasty.
+
+4. _Wei Liao Tzŭ_, in 5 _chuan_. Attributed to Wei Liao (4th cent.
+B.C.), who studied under the famous Kuei-ku Tzŭ. The work appears to
+have been originally in 31 chapters, whereas the text we possess
+contains only 24. Its matter is sound enough in the main, though the
+strategical devices differ considerably from those of the Warring
+States period. It is been furnished with a commentary by the well-known
+Sung philosopher Chang Tsai.
+
+5. _San Lueh_ in 3 _chuan_. Attributed to Huang-shih Kung, a legendary
+personage who is said to have bestowed it on Chang Liang (_d_. 187
+B.C.) in an interview on a bridge. But here again, the style is not
+that of works dating from the Ch’in or Han period. The Han Emperor
+Kuang Wu [25-57 A.D.] apparently quotes from it in one of his
+proclamations; but the passage in question may have been inserted later
+on, in order to prove the genuineness of the work. We shall not be far
+out if we refer it to the Northern Sung period [420-478 A.D.], or
+somewhat earlier.
+
+6. _Li Wei Kung Wen Tui_, in 3 sections. Written in the form of a
+dialogue between T’ai Tsung and his great general Li Ching, it is
+usually ascribed to the latter. Competent authorities consider it a
+forgery, though the author was evidently well versed in the art of war.
+
+7. _Li Ching Ping Fa_ (not to be confounded with the foregoing) is a
+short treatise in 8 chapters, preserved in the T’ung Tien, but not
+published separately. This fact explains its omission from the _Ssu K’u
+Ch’uan Shu_.
+
+8. _Wu Ch’i Ching_, in 1 _chuan_. Attributed to the legendary minister
+Feng Hou, with exegetical notes by Kung-sun Hung of the Han dynasty
+(_d_. 121 B.C.), and said to have been eulogized by the celebrated
+general Ma Lung (_d_. 300 A.D.). Yet the earliest mention of it is in
+the _Sung Chih_. Although a forgery, the work is well put together.
+
+Considering the high popular estimation in which Chu-ko Liang has
+always been held, it is not surprising to find more than one work on
+war ascribed to his pen. Such are (1) the _Shih Liu Ts’e_ (1 _chuan_),
+preserved in the _Yung Lo Ta Tien;_ (2) _Chiang Yuan_ (1 _chuan_); and
+(3) _Hsin Shu_ (1 _chuan_), which steals wholesale from Sun Tzŭ. None
+of these has the slightest claim to be considered genuine.
+
+Most of the large Chinese encyclopedias contain extensive sections
+devoted to the literature of war. The following references may be found
+useful:—
+
+_T’ung Tien_ (circa 800 A.D.), ch. 148-162.
+_T’ai P’ing Yu Lan_ (983), ch. 270-359.
+_Wen Hsien Tung K’ao_ (13th cent.), ch. 221.
+_Yu Hai_ (13th cent.), ch. 140, 141.
+_San Ts’ai T’u Hui_ (16th cent).
+_Kuang Po Wu Chih_ (1607), ch. 31, 32.
+_Ch’ien Ch’io Lei Shu_ (1632), ch. 75.
+_Yuan Chien Lei Han_ (1710), ch. 206-229.
+_Ku Chin T’u Shu Chi Ch’eng_ (1726), section XXX, esp. ch. 81-90.
+_Hsu Wen Hsien T’ung K’ao_ (1784), ch. 121-134.
+_Huang Ch’ao Ching Shih Wen Pien_ (1826), ch. 76, 77.
+
+The bibliographical sections of certain historical works also deserve
+mention:—
+
+_Ch’ien Han Shu_, ch. 30.
+_Sui Shu_, ch. 32-35.
+_Chiu T’ang Shu_, ch. 46, 47.
+_Hsin T’ang Shu_, ch. 57,60.
+_Sung Shih_, ch. 202-209.
+_T’ung Chih_ (circa 1150), ch. 68.
+
+To these of course must be added the great Catalogue of the Imperial
+Library:—
+
+_Ssu K’u Ch’uan Shu Tsung Mu T’i Yao_ (1790), ch. 99, 100.
+
+Footnotes
+
+1. _Shih Chi_, ch. 65.
+
+2. He reigned from 514 to 496 B.C.
+
+3. _Shih Chi_, ch. 130.
+
+4. The appellation of Nang Wa.
+
+5. _Shih Chi_, ch. 31.
+
+6. _Shih Chi_, ch. 25.
+
+7. The appellation of Hu Yen, mentioned in ch. 39 under the year 637.
+
+8. Wang-tzu Ch’eng-fu, ch. 32, year 607.
+
+9. The mistake is natural enough. Native critics refer to a work of the
+Han dynasty, which says: "Ten _li_ outside the _Wu_ gate [of the city
+of Wu, now Soochow in Kiangsu] there is a great mound, raised to
+commemorate the entertainment of Sun Wu of Ch’i, who excelled in the
+art of war, by the King of Wu."
+
+10. "They attached strings to wood to make bows, and sharpened wood to
+make arrows. The use of bows and arrows is to keep the Empire in awe."
+
+11. The son and successor of Ho Lu. He was finally defeated and
+overthrown by Kou chien, King of Yüeh, in 473 B.C. See post.
+
+12. King Yen of Hsu, a fabulous being, of whom Sun Hsing-yen says in
+his preface: "His humanity brought him to destruction."
+
+13. The passage I have put in brackets is omitted in the _T’u Shu_, and
+may be an interpolation. It was known, however to Chang Shou-chieh of
+the T’ang dynasty, and appears in the _T’ai P’ing Yu Lan_.
+
+14. Ts’ao Kung seems to be thinking of the first part of chap. II,
+perhaps especially of § 8.
+
+15. See chap. XI.
+
+16. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that _Wu Tzŭ_, which is not in
+6 chapters, has 48 assigned to it in the _Han Chih_. Likewise, the
+_Chung Yung_ is credited with 49 chapters, though now only in one only.
+In the case of very short works, one is tempted to think that _p’ien_
+might simply mean "leaves."
+
+17. Yeh Shih of the Sung dynasty [1151-1223].
+
+18. He hardly deserves to be bracketed with assassins.
+
+19. See Chapter 7, § 27 and Chapter 11, § 28.
+
+20. See Chapter 11, § 28. Chuan Chu is the abbreviated form of his
+name.
+
+21. I.e. Po P’ei. See ante.
+
+22. The nucleus of this work is probably genuine, though large
+additions have been made by later hands. Kuan chung died in 645 B.C.
+
+23. See infra, beginning of INTRODUCTION.
+
+24. I do not know what this work, unless it be the last chapter of
+another work. Why that chapter should be singled out, however, is not
+clear.
+
+25. About 480 B.C.
+
+26. That is, I suppose, the age of Wu Wang and Chou Kung.
+
+27. In the 3rd century B.C.
+
+28. Ssu-ma Jang-chu, whose family name was T’ien, lived in the latter
+half of the 6th century B.C., and is also believed to have written a
+work on war. See _Shih Chi_, ch. 64, and infra at the beginning of the
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+29. See Legge’s Classics, vol. V, Prolegomena p. 27. Legge thinks that
+the _Tso Chuan_ must have been written in the 5th century, but not
+before 424 B.C.
+
+30. See _Mencius_ III. 1. iii. 13-20.
+
+31. When Wu first appears in the _Ch’un Ch’iu_ in 584, it is already at
+variance with its powerful neighbour. The _Ch’un Ch’iu_ first mentions
+Yüeh in 537, the _Tso Chuan_ in 601.
+
+32. This is explicitly stated in the _Tso Chuan_, XXXII, 2.
+
+33. There is this to be said for the later period, that the feud would
+tend to grow more bitter after each encounter, and thus more fully
+justify the language used in XI. § 30.
+
+34. With Wu Yuan himself the case is just the reverse:—a spurious
+treatise on war has been fathered on him simply because he was a great
+general. Here we have an obvious inducement to forgery. Sun Wu, on the
+other hand, cannot have been widely known to fame in the 5th century.
+
+35. From _Tso Chuan:_ "From the date of King Chao’s accession [515]
+there was no year in which Ch’u was not attacked by Wu."
+
+36. Preface ad fin: "My family comes from Lo-an, and we are really
+descended from Sun Tzŭ. I am ashamed to say that I only read my
+ancestor’s work from a literary point of view, without comprehending
+the military technique. So long have we been enjoying the blessings of
+peace!"
+
+37. Hoa-yin is about 14 miles from T’ung-kuan on the eastern border of
+Shensi. The temple in question is still visited by those about the
+ascent of the Western Sacred Mountain. It is mentioned in a text as
+being "situated five _li_ east of the district city of Hua-yin. The
+temple contains the Hua-shan tablet inscribed by the T’ang Emperor
+Hsuan Tsung [713-755]."
+
+38. See my "Catalogue of Chinese Books" (Luzac & Co., 1908), no. 40.
+
+39. This is a discussion of 29 difficult passages in Sun Tzŭ.
+
+40. Cf. Catalogue of the library of Fan family at Ningpo: "His
+commentary is frequently obscure; it furnishes a clue, but does not
+fully develop the meaning."
+
+41. _Wen Hsien T’ung K’ao_, ch. 221.
+
+42. It is interesting to note that M. Pelliot has recently discovered
+chapters 1, 4 and 5 of this lost work in the "Grottos of the Thousand
+Buddhas." See B.E.F.E.O., t. VIII, nos. 3-4, p. 525.
+
+43. The Hsia, the Shang and the Chou. Although the last-named was
+nominally existent in Sun Tzŭ’s day, it retained hardly a vestige of
+power, and the old military organization had practically gone by the
+board. I can suggest no other explanation of the passage.
+
+44. See _Chou Li_, xxix. 6-10.
+
+45. _T’ung K’ao_, ch. 221.
+
+46. This appears to be still extant. See Wylie’s "Notes," p. 91 (new
+edition).
+
+47. _T’ung K’ao_, loc. cit.
+
+48. A notable person in his day. His biography is given in the _San Kuo
+Chih_, ch. 10.
+
+49. See XI. § 58, note.
+
+50. _Hou Han Shu_, ch. 17 ad init.
+
+51. _San Kuo Chih_, ch. 54.
+
+52. _Sung Shih_, ch. 365 ad init.
+
+53. The few Europeans who have yet had an opportunity of acquainting
+themselves with Sun Tzŭ are not behindhand in their praise. In this
+connection, I may perhaps be excused for quoting from a letter from
+Lord Roberts, to whom the sheets of the present work were submitted
+previous to publication: "Many of Sun Wu’s maxims are perfectly
+applicable to the present day, and no. 11 [in Chapter VIII] is one that
+the people of this country would do well to take to heart."
+
+54. Ch. 140.
+
+55. See IV. § 3.
+
+56. The allusion may be to Mencius VI. 2. ix. 2.
+
+57. The _Tso Chuan_.
+
+58. _Shih Chi_, ch. 25, fol. I.
+
+59. Cf. _Shih Chi_, ch 47.
+
+60. See _Shu Ching_, preface § 55.
+
+61. See _Shih Chi_, ch. 47.
+
+62. _Lun Yu_, XV. 1.
+
+63. I failed to trace this utterance.
+
+64. Supra.
+
+65. Supra.
+
+66. The other four being worship, mourning, entertainment of guests,
+and festive rites. See _Shu Ching_, ii. 1. III. 8, and _Chou Li_, IX.
+fol. 49.
+
+67. See XIII. § 11, note.
+
+68. This is a rather obscure allusion to the _Tso Chuan_, where
+Tzŭ-ch’an says: "If you have a piece of beautiful brocade, you will not
+employ a mere learner to make it up."
+
+69. Cf. _Tao Te Ching_, ch. 31.
+
+70. Sun Hsing-yen might have quoted Confucius again. See _Lun Yu_,
+XIII. 29, 30.
+
+71. Better known as Hsiang Yu [233-202 B.C.].
+
+72. _Shih Chi_, ch. 47.
+
+73. _Shih Chi_, ch. 38.
+
+74. See XIII. § 27, note. Further details on T’ai Kung will be found in
+the _Shih Chi_, ch. 32 ad init. Besides the tradition which makes him a
+former minister of Chou Hsin, two other accounts of him are there
+given, according to which he would appear to have been first raised
+from a humble private station by Wen Wang.
+
+
+
+Chapter I. LAYING PLANS
+
+[Ts’ao Kung, in defining the meaning of the Chinese for the title of
+this chapter, says it refers to the deliberations in the temple
+selected by the general for his temporary use, or as we should say, in
+his tent. See. § 26.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: The art of war is of vital importance to the State.
+
+2. It is a matter of life and death, a road either to safety or to
+ruin. Hence it is a subject of inquiry which can on no account be
+neglected.
+
+3. The art of war, then, is governed by five constant factors, to be
+taken into account in one’s deliberations, when seeking to determine
+the conditions obtaining in the field.
+
+4. These are: (1) The Moral Law; (2) Heaven; (3) Earth; (4) The
+Commander; (5) Method and discipline.
+
+[It appears from what follows that Sun Tzŭ means by "Moral Law" a
+principle of harmony, not unlike the Tao of Lao Tzŭ in its moral
+aspect. One might be tempted to render it by "morale," were it not
+considered as an attribute of the _ruler_ in § 13.]
+
+
+5, 6. _The Moral Law_ causes the people to be in complete accord with
+their ruler, so that they will follow him regardless of their lives,
+undismayed by any danger.
+
+[Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzŭ as saying: "Without constant practice, the
+officers will be nervous and undecided when mustering for battle;
+without constant practice, the general will be wavering and irresolute
+when the crisis is at hand."]
+
+
+7. _Heaven_ signifies night and day, cold and heat, times and seasons.
+
+[The commentators, I think, make an unnecessary mystery of two words
+here. Meng Shih refers to "the hard and the soft, waxing and waning" of
+Heaven. Wang Hsi, however, may be right in saying that what is meant is
+"the general economy of Heaven," including the five elements, the four
+seasons, wind and clouds, and other phenomena.]
+
+
+8. _Earth_ comprises distances, great and small; danger and security;
+open ground and narrow passes; the chances of life and death.
+
+9. _The Commander_ stands for the virtues of wisdom, sincerity,
+benevolence, courage and strictness.
+
+[The five cardinal virtues of the Chinese are (1) humanity or
+benevolence; (2) uprightness of mind; (3) self-respect, self-control,
+or "proper feeling;" (4) wisdom; (5) sincerity or good faith. Here
+"wisdom" and "sincerity" are put before "humanity or benevolence," and
+the two military virtues of "courage" and "strictness" substituted for
+"uprightness of mind" and "self-respect, self-control, or ‘proper
+feeling.’"]
+
+
+10. By _Method and discipline_ are to be understood the marshalling of
+the army in its proper subdivisions, the gradations of rank among the
+officers, the maintenance of roads by which supplies may reach the
+army, and the control of military expenditure.
+
+11. These five heads should be familiar to every general: he who knows
+them will be victorious; he who knows them not will fail.
+
+12. Therefore, in your deliberations, when seeking to determine the
+military conditions, let them be made the basis of a comparison, in
+this wise:—
+
+13. (1) Which of the two sovereigns is imbued with the Moral law?
+
+
+[I.e., "is in harmony with his subjects." Cf. § 5.]
+
+
+    (2) Which of the two generals has most ability?
+    (3) With whom lie the advantages derived from Heaven and Earth?
+
+[See §§ 7, 8]
+
+
+(4) On which side is discipline most rigorously enforced?
+
+[Tu Mu alludes to the remarkable story of Ts’ao Ts’ao (A.D. 155-220),
+who was such a strict disciplinarian that once, in accordance with his
+own severe regulations against injury to standing crops, he condemned
+himself to death for having allowed his horse to shy into a field of
+corn! However, in lieu of losing his head, he was persuaded to satisfy
+his sense of justice by cutting off his hair. Ts’ao Ts’ao’s own comment
+on the present passage is characteristically curt: "when you lay down a
+law, see that it is not disobeyed; if it is disobeyed the offender must
+be put to death."]
+
+
+(5) Which army is the stronger?
+
+[Morally as well as physically. As Mei Yao-ch’en puts it, freely
+rendered, "_esprit de corps_ and ‘big battalions.’"]
+
+
+(6) On which side are officers and men more highly trained?
+
+[Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzŭ as saying: "Without constant practice, the
+officers will be nervous and undecided when mustering for battle;
+without constant practice, the general will be wavering and irresolute
+when the crisis is at hand."]
+
+
+(7) In which army is there the greater constancy both in reward and
+punishment?
+
+[On which side is there the most absolute certainty that merit will be
+properly rewarded and misdeeds summarily punished?]
+
+
+14. By means of these seven considerations I can forecast victory or
+defeat.
+
+15. The general that hearkens to my counsel and acts upon it, will
+conquer:—let such a one be retained in command! The general that
+hearkens not to my counsel nor acts upon it, will suffer defeat:—let
+such a one be dismissed!
+
+[The form of this paragraph reminds us that Sun Tzŭ’s treatise was
+composed expressly for the benefit of his patron Ho Lu, king of the Wu
+State.]
+
+
+16. While heeding the profit of my counsel, avail yourself also of any
+helpful circumstances over and beyond the ordinary rules.
+
+17. According as circumstances are favourable, one should modify one’s
+plans.
+
+[Sun Tzŭ, as a practical soldier, will have none of the "bookish
+theoric." He cautions us here not to pin our faith to abstract
+principles; "for," as Chang Yu puts it, "while the main laws of
+strategy can be stated clearly enough for the benefit of all and
+sundry, you must be guided by the actions of the enemy in attempting to
+secure a favourable position in actual warfare." On the eve of the
+battle of Waterloo, Lord Uxbridge, commanding the cavalry, went to the
+Duke of Wellington in order to learn what his plans and calculations
+were for the morrow, because, as he explained, he might suddenly find
+himself Commander-in-chief and would be unable to frame new plans in a
+critical moment. The Duke listened quietly and then said: "Who will
+attack the first tomorrow—I or Bonaparte?" "Bonaparte," replied Lord
+Uxbridge. "Well," continued the Duke, "Bonaparte has not given me any
+idea of his projects; and as my plans will depend upon his, how can you
+expect me to tell you what mine are?" [1] ]
+
+
+18. All warfare is based on deception.
+
+[The truth of this pithy and profound saying will be admitted by every
+soldier. Col. Henderson tells us that Wellington, great in so many
+military qualities, was especially distinguished by "the extraordinary
+skill with which he concealed his movements and deceived both friend
+and foe."]
+
+
+19. Hence, when able to attack, we must seem unable; when using our
+forces, we must seem inactive; when we are near, we must make the enemy
+believe we are far away; when far away, we must make him believe we are
+near.
+
+20. Hold out baits to entice the enemy. Feign disorder, and crush him.
+
+[All commentators, except Chang Yu, say, "When he is in disorder, crush
+him." It is more natural to suppose that Sun Tzŭ is still illustrating
+the uses of deception in war.]
+
+
+21. If he is secure at all points, be prepared for him. If he is in
+superior strength, evade him.
+
+22. If your opponent is of choleric temper, seek to irritate him.
+Pretend to be weak, that he may grow arrogant.
+
+[Wang Tzŭ, quoted by Tu Yu, says that the good tactician plays with his
+adversary as a cat plays with a mouse, first feigning weakness and
+immobility, and then suddenly pouncing upon him.]
+
+
+23. If he is taking his ease, give him no rest.
+
+[This is probably the meaning though Mei Yao-ch’en has the note: "while
+we are taking our ease, wait for the enemy to tire himself out." The
+_Yu Lan_ has "Lure him on and tire him out."]
+
+
+If his forces are united, separate them.
+
+[Less plausible is the interpretation favoured by most of the
+commentators: "If sovereign and subject are in accord, put division
+between them."]
+
+
+24. Attack him where he is unprepared, appear where you are not
+expected.
+
+25. These military devices, leading to victory, must not be divulged
+beforehand.
+
+26. Now the general who wins a battle makes many calculations in his
+temple ere the battle is fought.
+
+[Chang Yu tells us that in ancient times it was customary for a temple
+to be set apart for the use of a general who was about to take the
+field, in order that he might there elaborate his plan of campaign.]
+
+
+The general who loses a battle makes but few calculations beforehand.
+Thus do many calculations lead to victory, and few calculations to
+defeat: how much more no calculation at all! It is by attention to this
+point that I can foresee who is likely to win or lose.
+
+[1] "Words on Wellington," by Sir. W. Fraser.
+
+
+
+Chapter II. WAGING WAR
+
+[Ts’ao Kung has the note: "He who wishes to fight must first count the
+cost," which prepares us for the discovery that the subject of the
+chapter is not what we might expect from the title, but is primarily a
+consideration of ways and means.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: In the operations of war, where there are in the field
+a thousand swift chariots, as many heavy chariots, and a hundred
+thousand mail-clad soldiers,
+
+[The "swift chariots" were lightly built and, according to Chang Yu,
+used for the attack; the "heavy chariots" were heavier, and designed
+for purposes of defence. Li Ch’uan, it is true, says that the latter
+were light, but this seems hardly probable. It is interesting to note
+the analogies between early Chinese warfare and that of the Homeric
+Greeks. In each case, the war-chariot was the important factor, forming
+as it did the nucleus round which was grouped a certain number of
+foot-soldiers. With regard to the numbers given here, we are informed
+that each swift chariot was accompanied by 75 footmen, and each heavy
+chariot by 25 footmen, so that the whole army would be divided up into
+a thousand battalions, each consisting of two chariots and a hundred
+men.]
+
+
+with provisions enough to carry them a thousand _li_,
+
+[2.78 modern _li_ go to a mile. The length may have varied slightly
+since Sun Tzŭ’s time.]
+
+
+the expenditure at home and at the front, including entertainment of
+guests, small items such as glue and paint, and sums spent on chariots
+and armour, will reach the total of a thousand ounces of silver per
+day. Such is the cost of raising an army of 100,000 men.
+
+2. When you engage in actual fighting, if victory is long in coming,
+the men’s weapons will grow dull and their ardour will be damped. If
+you lay siege to a town, you will exhaust your strength.
+
+3. Again, if the campaign is protracted, the resources of the State
+will not be equal to the strain.
+
+4. Now, when your weapons are dulled, your ardour damped, your strength
+exhausted and your treasure spent, other chieftains will spring up to
+take advantage of your extremity. Then no man, however wise, will be
+able to avert the consequences that must ensue.
+
+5. Thus, though we have heard of stupid haste in war, cleverness has
+never been seen associated with long delays.
+
+[This concise and difficult sentence is not well explained by any of
+the commentators. Ts’ao Kung, Li Ch’uan, Meng Shih, Tu Yu, Tu Mu and
+Mei Yao-ch’en have notes to the effect that a general, though naturally
+stupid, may nevertheless conquer through sheer force of rapidity. Ho
+Shih says: "Haste may be stupid, but at any rate it saves expenditure
+of energy and treasure; protracted operations may be very clever, but
+they bring calamity in their train." Wang Hsi evades the difficulty by
+remarking: "Lengthy operations mean an army growing old, wealth being
+expended, an empty exchequer and distress among the people; true
+cleverness insures against the occurrence of such calamities." Chang Yu
+says: "So long as victory can be attained, stupid haste is preferable
+to clever dilatoriness." Now Sun Tzŭ says nothing whatever, except
+possibly by implication, about ill-considered haste being better than
+ingenious but lengthy operations. What he does say is something much
+more guarded, namely that, while speed may sometimes be injudicious,
+tardiness can never be anything but foolish—if only because it means
+impoverishment to the nation. In considering the point raised here by
+Sun Tzŭ, the classic example of Fabius Cunctator will inevitably occur
+to the mind. That general deliberately measured the endurance of Rome
+against that of Hannibals’s isolated army, because it seemed to him
+that the latter was more likely to suffer from a long campaign in a
+strange country. But it is quite a moot question whether his tactics
+would have proved successful in the long run. Their reversal it is
+true, led to Cannae; but this only establishes a negative presumption
+in their favour.]
+
+
+6. There is no instance of a country having benefited from prolonged
+warfare.
+
+7. It is only one who is thoroughly acquainted with the evils of war
+that can thoroughly understand the profitable way of carrying it on.
+
+[That is, with rapidity. Only one who knows the disastrous effects of a
+long war can realize the supreme importance of rapidity in bringing it
+to a close. Only two commentators seem to favour this interpretation,
+but it fits well into the logic of the context, whereas the rendering,
+"He who does not know the evils of war cannot appreciate its benefits,"
+is distinctly pointless.]
+
+
+8. The skilful soldier does not raise a second levy, neither are his
+supply-waggons loaded more than twice.
+
+[Once war is declared, he will not waste precious time in waiting for
+reinforcements, nor will he return his army back for fresh supplies,
+but crosses the enemy’s frontier without delay. This may seem an
+audacious policy to recommend, but with all great strategists, from
+Julius Caesar to Napoleon Bonaparte, the value of time—that is, being a
+little ahead of your opponent—has counted for more than either
+numerical superiority or the nicest calculations with regard to
+commissariat.]
+
+
+9. Bring war material with you from home, but forage on the enemy. Thus
+the army will have food enough for its needs.
+
+[The Chinese word translated here as "war material" literally means
+"things to be used", and is meant in the widest sense. It includes all
+the impedimenta of an army, apart from provisions.]
+
+
+10. Poverty of the State exchequer causes an army to be maintained by
+contributions from a distance. Contributing to maintain an army at a
+distance causes the people to be impoverished.
+
+[The beginning of this sentence does not balance properly with the
+next, though obviously intended to do so. The arrangement, moreover, is
+so awkward that I cannot help suspecting some corruption in the text.
+It never seems to occur to Chinese commentators that an emendation may
+be necessary for the sense, and we get no help from them there. The
+Chinese words Sun Tzŭ used to indicate the cause of the people’s
+impoverishment clearly have reference to some system by which the
+husbandmen sent their contributions of corn to the army direct. But why
+should it fall on them to maintain an army in this way, except because
+the State or Government is too poor to do so?]
+
+
+11. On the other hand, the proximity of an army causes prices to go up;
+and high prices cause the people’s substance to be drained away.
+
+[Wang Hsi says high prices occur before the army has left its own
+territory. Ts’ao Kung understands it of an army that has already
+crossed the frontier.]
+
+
+12. When their substance is drained away, the peasantry will be
+afflicted by heavy exactions.
+
+13, 14. With this loss of substance and exhaustion of strength, the
+homes of the people will be stripped bare, and three-tenths of their
+incomes will be dissipated;
+
+[Tu Mu and Wang Hsi agree that the people are not mulcted not of 3/10,
+but of 7/10, of their income. But this is hardly to be extracted from
+our text. Ho Shih has a characteristic tag: "The _people_ being
+regarded as the essential part of the State, and _food_ as the people’s
+heaven, is it not right that those in authority should value and be
+careful of both?"]
+
+
+while Government expenses for broken chariots, worn-out horses,
+breast-plates and helmets, bows and arrows, spears and shields,
+protective mantlets, draught-oxen and heavy waggons, will amount to
+four-tenths of its total revenue.
+
+15. Hence a wise general makes a point of foraging on the enemy. One
+cartload of the enemy’s provisions is equivalent to twenty of one’s
+own, and likewise a single _picul_ of his provender is equivalent to
+twenty from one’s own store.
+
+[Because twenty cartloads will be consumed in the process of
+transporting one cartload to the front. A _picul_ is a unit of measure
+equal to 133.3 pounds (65.5 kilograms).]
+
+
+16. Now in order to kill the enemy, our men must be roused to anger;
+that there may be advantage from defeating the enemy, they must have
+their rewards.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "Rewards are necessary in order to make the soldiers see
+the advantage of beating the enemy; thus, when you capture spoils from
+the enemy, they must be used as rewards, so that all your men may have
+a keen desire to fight, each on his own account."]
+
+
+17. Therefore in chariot fighting, when ten or more chariots have been
+taken, those should be rewarded who took the first. Our own flags
+should be substituted for those of the enemy, and the chariots mingled
+and used in conjunction with ours. The captured soldiers should be
+kindly treated and kept.
+
+18. This is called, using the conquered foe to augment one’s own
+strength.
+
+19. In war, then, let your great object be victory, not lengthy
+campaigns.
+
+[As Ho Shih remarks: "War is not a thing to be trifled with." Sun Tzŭ
+here reiterates the main lesson which this chapter is intended to
+enforce."]
+
+
+20. Thus it may be known that the leader of armies is the arbiter of
+the people’s fate, the man on whom it depends whether the nation shall
+be in peace or in peril.
+
+
+
+Chapter III. ATTACK BY STRATAGEM
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: In the practical art of war, the best thing of all is
+to take the enemy’s country whole and intact; to shatter and destroy it
+is not so good. So, too, it is better to capture an army entire than
+to destroy it, to capture a regiment, a detachment or a company entire
+than to destroy them.
+
+[The equivalent to an army corps, according to Ssu-ma Fa, consisted
+nominally of 12500 men; according to Ts’ao Kung, the equivalent of a
+regiment contained 500 men, the equivalent to a detachment consists
+from any number between 100 and 500, and the equivalent of a company
+contains from 5 to 100 men. For the last two, however, Chang Yu gives
+the exact figures of 100 and 5 respectively.]
+
+
+2. Hence to fight and conquer in all your battles is not supreme
+excellence; supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy’s
+resistance without fighting.
+
+[Here again, no modern strategist but will approve the words of the old
+Chinese general. Moltke’s greatest triumph, the capitulation of the
+huge French army at Sedan, was won practically without bloodshed.]
+
+
+3. Thus the highest form of generalship is to baulk the enemy’s plans;
+
+[Perhaps the word "balk" falls short of expressing the full force of
+the Chinese word, which implies not an attitude of defence, whereby one
+might be content to foil the enemy’s stratagems one after another, but
+an active policy of counter-attack. Ho Shih puts this very clearly in
+his note: "When the enemy has made a plan of attack against us, we must
+anticipate him by delivering our own attack first."]
+
+
+the next best is to prevent the junction of the enemy’s forces;
+
+[Isolating him from his allies. We must not forget that Sun Tzŭ, in
+speaking of hostilities, always has in mind the numerous states or
+principalities into which the China of his day was split up.]
+
+
+the next in order is to attack the enemy’s army in the field;
+
+[When he is already at full strength.]
+
+
+and the worst policy of all is to besiege walled cities.
+
+4. The rule is, not to besiege walled cities if it can possibly be
+avoided.
+
+[Another sound piece of military theory. Had the Boers acted upon it in
+1899, and refrained from dissipating their strength before Kimberley,
+Mafeking, or even Ladysmith, it is more than probable that they would
+have been masters of the situation before the British were ready
+seriously to oppose them.]
+
+
+The preparation of mantlets, movable shelters, and various implements
+of war, will take up three whole months;
+
+[It is not quite clear what the Chinese word, here translated as
+"mantlets", described. Ts’ao Kung simply defines them as "large
+shields," but we get a better idea of them from Li Ch’uan, who says
+they were to protect the heads of those who were assaulting the city
+walls at close quarters. This seems to suggest a sort of Roman
+_testudo_, ready made. Tu Mu says they were wheeled vehicles used in
+repelling attacks, but this is denied by Ch’en Hao. See _supra_ II. 14.
+The name is also applied to turrets on city walls. Of the "movable
+shelters" we get a fairly clear description from several commentators.
+They were wooden missile-proof structures on four wheels, propelled
+from within, covered over with raw hides, and used in sieges to convey
+parties of men to and from the walls, for the purpose of filling up the
+encircling moat with earth. Tu Mu adds that they are now called "wooden
+donkeys."]
+
+
+and the piling up of mounds over against the walls will take three
+months more.
+
+[These were great mounds or ramparts of earth heaped up to the level of
+the enemy’s walls in order to discover the weak points in the defence,
+and also to destroy the fortified turrets mentioned in the preceding
+note.]
+
+
+5. The general, unable to control his irritation, will launch his men
+to the assault like swarming ants,
+
+[This vivid simile of Ts’ao Kung is taken from the spectacle of an army
+of ants climbing a wall. The meaning is that the general, losing
+patience at the long delay, may make a premature attempt to storm the
+place before his engines of war are ready.]
+
+
+with the result that one-third of his men are slain, while the town
+still remains untaken. Such are the disastrous effects of a siege.
+
+[We are reminded of the terrible losses of the Japanese before Port
+Arthur, in the most recent siege which history has to record.]
+
+
+6. Therefore the skilful leader subdues the enemy’s troops without any
+fighting; he captures their cities without laying siege to them; he
+overthrows their kingdom without lengthy operations in the field.
+
+[Chia Lin notes that he only overthrows the Government, but does no
+harm to individuals. The classical instance is Wu Wang, who after
+having put an end to the Yin dynasty was acclaimed "Father and mother
+of the people."]
+
+
+7. With his forces intact he will dispute the mastery of the Empire,
+and thus, without losing a man, his triumph will be complete.
+
+[Owing to the double meanings in the Chinese text, the latter part of
+the sentence is susceptible of quite a different meaning: "And thus,
+the weapon not being blunted by use, its keenness remains perfect."]
+
+
+This is the method of attacking by stratagem.
+
+8. It is the rule in war, if our forces are ten to the enemy’s one, to
+surround him; if five to one, to attack him;
+
+[Straightway, without waiting for any further advantage.]
+
+
+if twice as numerous, to divide our army into two.
+
+[Tu Mu takes exception to the saying; and at first sight, indeed, it
+appears to violate a fundamental principle of war. Ts’ao Kung, however,
+gives a clue to Sun Tzŭ’s meaning: "Being two to the enemy’s one, we
+may use one part of our army in the regular way, and the other for some
+special diversion." Chang Yu thus further elucidates the point: "If our
+force is twice as numerous as that of the enemy, it should be split up
+into two divisions, one to meet the enemy in front, and one to fall
+upon his rear; if he replies to the frontal attack, he may be crushed
+from behind; if to the rearward attack, he may be crushed in front."
+This is what is meant by saying that ‘one part may be used in the
+regular way, and the other for some special diversion.’ Tu Mu does not
+understand that dividing one’s army is simply an irregular, just as
+concentrating it is the regular, strategical method, and he is too
+hasty in calling this a mistake."]
+
+
+9. If equally matched, we can offer battle;
+
+[Li Ch’uan, followed by Ho Shih, gives the following paraphrase: "If
+attackers and attacked are equally matched in strength, only the able
+general will fight."]
+
+
+if slightly inferior in numbers, we can avoid the enemy;
+
+[The meaning, "we can _watch_ the enemy," is certainly a great
+improvement on the above; but unfortunately there appears to be no very
+good authority for the variant. Chang Yu reminds us that the saying
+only applies if the other factors are equal; a small difference in
+numbers is often more than counterbalanced by superior energy and
+discipline.]
+
+
+if quite unequal in every way, we can flee from him.
+
+10. Hence, though an obstinate fight may be made by a small force, in
+the end it must be captured by the larger force.
+
+11. Now the general is the bulwark of the State: if the bulwark is
+complete at all points; the State will be strong; if the bulwark is
+defective, the State will be weak.
+
+[As Li Ch’uan tersely puts it: "Gap indicates deficiency; if the
+general’s ability is not perfect (i.e. if he is not thoroughly versed
+in his profession), his army will lack strength."]
+
+
+12. There are three ways in which a ruler can bring misfortune upon his
+army:—
+
+13. (1) By commanding the army to advance or to retreat, being ignorant
+of the fact that it cannot obey. This is called hobbling the army.
+
+[Li Ch’uan adds the comment: "It is like tying together the legs of a
+thoroughbred, so that it is unable to gallop." One would naturally
+think of "the ruler" in this passage as being at home, and trying to
+direct the movements of his army from a distance. But the commentators
+understand just the reverse, and quote the saying of T’ai Kung: "A
+kingdom should not be governed from without, and army should not be
+directed from within." Of course it is true that, during an engagement,
+or when in close touch with the enemy, the general should not be in the
+thick of his own troops, but a little distance apart. Otherwise, he
+will be liable to misjudge the position as a whole, and give wrong
+orders.]
+
+
+14. (2) By attempting to govern an army in the same way as he
+administers a kingdom, being ignorant of the conditions which obtain in
+an army. This causes restlessness in the soldier’s minds.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung’s note is, freely translated: "The military sphere and the
+civil sphere are wholly distinct; you can’t handle an army in kid
+gloves." And Chang Yu says: "Humanity and justice are the principles on
+which to govern a state, but not an army; opportunism and flexibility,
+on the other hand, are military rather than civil virtues to assimilate
+the governing of an army"—to that of a State, understood.]
+
+
+15. (3) By employing the officers of his army without discrimination,
+
+[That is, he is not careful to use the right man in the right place.]
+
+
+through ignorance of the military principle of adaptation to
+circumstances. This shakes the confidence of the soldiers.
+
+[I follow Mei Yao-ch’en here. The other commentators refer not to the
+ruler, as in §§ 13, 14, but to the officers he employs. Thus Tu Yu
+says: "If a general is ignorant of the principle of adaptability, he
+must not be entrusted with a position of authority." Tu Mu quotes: "The
+skilful employer of men will employ the wise man, the brave man, the
+covetous man, and the stupid man. For the wise man delights in
+establishing his merit, the brave man likes to show his courage in
+action, the covetous man is quick at seizing advantages, and the stupid
+man has no fear of death."]
+
+
+16. But when the army is restless and distrustful, trouble is sure to
+come from the other feudal princes. This is simply bringing anarchy
+into the army, and flinging victory away.
+
+17. Thus we may know that there are five essentials for victory: (1) He
+will win who knows when to fight and when not to fight.
+
+[Chang Yu says: If he can fight, he advances and takes the offensive;
+if he cannot fight, he retreats and remains on the defensive. He will
+invariably conquer who knows whether it is right to take the offensive
+or the defensive.]
+
+
+(2) He will win who knows how to handle both superior and inferior
+forces.
+
+[This is not merely the general’s ability to estimate numbers
+correctly, as Li Ch’uan and others make out. Chang Yu expounds the
+saying more satisfactorily: "By applying the art of war, it is possible
+with a lesser force to defeat a greater, and _vice versa_. The secret
+lies in an eye for locality, and in not letting the right moment slip.
+Thus Wu Tzŭ says: ‘With a superior force, make for easy ground; with an
+inferior one, make for difficult ground.’"]
+
+
+(3) He will win whose army is animated by the same spirit throughout
+all its ranks.
+
+(4) He will win who, prepared himself, waits to take the enemy
+unprepared.
+
+(5) He will win who has military capacity and is not interfered with by
+the sovereign.
+
+[Tu Yu quotes Wang Tzŭ as saying: "It is the sovereign’s function to
+give broad instructions, but to decide on battle it is the function of
+the general." It is needless to dilate on the military disasters which
+have been caused by undue interference with operations in the field on
+the part of the home government. Napoleon undoubtedly owed much of his
+extraordinary success to the fact that he was not hampered by central
+authority.]
+
+Victory lies in the knowledge of these five points.
+
+[Literally, “These five things are knowledge of the principle of
+victory.”]
+
+18. Hence the saying: If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need
+not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not
+the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat.
+
+[Li Ch’uan cites the case of Fu Chien, prince of Ch’in, who in 383 A.D.
+marched with a vast army against the Chin Emperor. When warned not to
+despise an enemy who could command the services of such men as Hsieh An
+and Huan Ch’ung, he boastfully replied: "I have the population of eight
+provinces at my back, infantry and horsemen to the number of one
+million; why, they could dam up the Yangtsze River itself by merely
+throwing their whips into the stream. What danger have I to fear?"
+Nevertheless, his forces were soon after disastrously routed at the Fei
+River, and he was obliged to beat a hasty retreat.]
+
+
+If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every
+battle.
+
+[Chang Yu said: "Knowing the enemy enables you to take the offensive,
+knowing yourself enables you to stand on the defensive." He adds:
+"Attack is the secret of defence; defence is the planning of an
+attack." It would be hard to find a better epitome of the
+root-principle of war.]
+
+
+
+Chapter IV. TACTICAL DISPOSITIONS
+
+[Ts’ao Kung explains the Chinese meaning of the words for the title of
+this chapter: "marching and countermarching on the part of the two
+armies with a view to discovering each other’s condition." Tu Mu says:
+"It is through the dispositions of an army that its condition may be
+discovered. Conceal your dispositions, and your condition will remain
+secret, which leads to victory; show your dispositions, and your
+condition will become patent, which leads to defeat." Wang Hsi remarks
+that the good general can "secure success by modifying his tactics to
+meet those of the enemy."]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: The good fighters of old first put themselves beyond
+the possibility of defeat, and then waited for an opportunity of
+defeating the enemy.
+
+2. To secure ourselves against defeat lies in our own hands, but the
+opportunity of defeating the enemy is provided by the enemy himself.
+
+[That is, of course, by a mistake on the enemy’s part.]
+
+
+3. Thus the good fighter is able to secure himself against defeat,
+
+[Chang Yu says this is done, "By concealing the disposition of his
+troops, covering up his tracks, and taking unremitting precautions."]
+
+
+but cannot make certain of defeating the enemy.
+
+4. Hence the saying: One may _know_ how to conquer without being able
+to _do_ it.
+
+5. Security against defeat implies defensive tactics; ability to defeat
+the enemy means taking the offensive.
+
+[I retain the sense found in a similar passage in §§ 1-3, in spite of
+the fact that the commentators are all against me. The meaning they
+give, "He who cannot conquer takes the defensive," is plausible
+enough.]
+
+
+6. Standing on the defensive indicates insufficient strength;
+attacking, a superabundance of strength.
+
+7. The general who is skilled in defence hides in the most secret
+recesses of the earth;
+
+[Literally, "hides under the ninth earth," which is a metaphor
+indicating the utmost secrecy and concealment, so that the enemy may
+not know his whereabouts."]
+
+
+he who is skilled in attack flashes forth from the topmost heights of
+heaven.
+
+[Another metaphor, implying that he falls on his adversary like a
+thunderbolt, against which there is no time to prepare. This is the
+opinion of most of the commentators.]
+
+
+Thus on the one hand we have ability to protect ourselves; on the
+other, a victory that is complete.
+
+8. To see victory only when it is within the ken of the common herd is
+not the acme of excellence.
+
+[As Ts’ao Kung remarks, "the thing is to see the plant before it has
+germinated," to foresee the event before the action has begun. Li
+Ch’uan alludes to the story of Han Hsin who, when about to attack the
+vastly superior army of Chao, which was strongly entrenched in the city
+of Ch’eng-an, said to his officers: "Gentlemen, we are going to
+annihilate the enemy, and shall meet again at dinner." The officers
+hardly took his words seriously, and gave a very dubious assent. But
+Han Hsin had already worked out in his mind the details of a clever
+stratagem, whereby, as he foresaw, he was able to capture the city and
+inflict a crushing defeat on his adversary."]
+
+
+9. Neither is it the acme of excellence if you fight and conquer and
+the whole Empire says, "Well done!"
+
+[True excellence being, as Tu Mu says: "To plan secretly, to move
+surreptitiously, to foil the enemy’s intentions and balk his schemes,
+so that at last the day may be won without shedding a drop of blood."
+Sun Tzŭ reserves his approbation for things that
+
+
+"the world’s coarse thumb
+And finger fail to plumb."
+
+
+10. To lift an autumn hair is no sign of great strength;
+
+["Autumn hair" is explained as the fur of a hare, which is finest in
+autumn, when it begins to grow afresh. The phrase is a very common one
+in Chinese writers.]
+
+
+to see sun and moon is no sign of sharp sight; to hear the noise of
+thunder is no sign of a quick ear.
+
+[Ho Shih gives as real instances of strength, sharp sight and quick
+hearing: Wu Huo, who could lift a tripod weighing 250 stone; Li Chu,
+who at a distance of a hundred paces could see objects no bigger than a
+mustard seed; and Shih K’uang, a blind musician who could hear the
+footsteps of a mosquito.]
+
+
+11. What the ancients called a clever fighter is one who not only wins,
+but excels in winning with ease.
+
+[The last half is literally "one who, conquering, excels in easy
+conquering." Mei Yao-ch’en says: "He who only sees the obvious, wins
+his battles with difficulty; he who looks below the surface of things,
+wins with ease."]
+
+
+12. Hence his victories bring him neither reputation for wisdom nor
+credit for courage.
+
+[Tu Mu explains this very well: "Inasmuch as his victories are gained
+over circumstances that have not come to light, the world as large
+knows nothing of them, and he wins no reputation for wisdom; inasmuch
+as the hostile state submits before there has been any bloodshed, he
+receives no credit for courage."]
+
+
+13. He wins his battles by making no mistakes.
+
+[Ch’en Hao says: "He plans no superfluous marches, he devises no futile
+attacks." The connection of ideas is thus explained by Chang Yu: "One
+who seeks to conquer by sheer strength, clever though he may be at
+winning pitched battles, is also liable on occasion to be vanquished;
+whereas he who can look into the future and discern conditions that are
+not yet manifest, will never make a blunder and therefore invariably
+win."]
+
+
+Making no mistakes is what establishes the certainty of victory, for it
+means conquering an enemy that is already defeated.
+
+14. Hence the skilful fighter puts himself into a position which makes
+defeat impossible, and does not miss the moment for defeating the
+enemy.
+
+[A "counsel of perfection" as Tu Mu truly observes. "Position" need not
+be confined to the actual ground occupied by the troops. It includes
+all the arrangements and preparations which a wise general will make to
+increase the safety of his army.]
+
+
+15. Thus it is that in war the victorious strategist only seeks battle
+after the victory has been won, whereas he who is destined to defeat
+first fights and afterwards looks for victory.
+
+[Ho Shih thus expounds the paradox: "In warfare, first lay plans which
+will ensure victory, and then lead your army to battle; if you will not
+begin with stratagem but rely on brute strength alone, victory will no
+longer be assured."]
+
+
+16. The consummate leader cultivates the moral law, and strictly
+adheres to method and discipline; thus it is in his power to control
+success.
+
+17. In respect of military method, we have, firstly, Measurement;
+secondly, Estimation of quantity; thirdly, Calculation; fourthly,
+Balancing of chances; fifthly, Victory.
+
+18. Measurement owes its existence to Earth; Estimation of quantity to
+Measurement; Calculation to Estimation of quantity; Balancing of
+chances to Calculation; and Victory to Balancing of chances.
+
+[It is not easy to distinguish the four terms very clearly in the
+Chinese. The first seems to be surveying and measurement of the ground,
+which enable us to form an estimate of the enemy’s strength, and to
+make calculations based on the data thus obtained; we are thus led to a
+general weighing-up, or comparison of the enemy’s chances with our own;
+if the latter turn the scale, then victory ensues. The chief difficulty
+lies in third term, which in the Chinese some commentators take as a
+calculation of _numbers_, thereby making it nearly synonymous with the
+second term. Perhaps the second term should be thought of as a
+consideration of the enemy’s general position or condition, while the
+third term is the estimate of his numerical strength. On the other
+hand, Tu Mu says: "The question of relative strength having been
+settled, we can bring the varied resources of cunning into play." Ho
+Shih seconds this interpretation, but weakens it. However, it points to
+the third term as being a calculation of numbers.]
+
+
+19. A victorious army opposed to a routed one, is as a pound’s weight
+placed in the scale against a single grain.
+
+[Literally, "a victorious army is like an _i_ (20 oz.) weighed against
+a _shu_ (1/24 oz.); a routed army is a _shu_ weighed against an _i_."
+The point is simply the enormous advantage which a disciplined force,
+flushed with victory, has over one demoralized by defeat. Legge, in his
+note on Mencius, I. 2. ix. 2, makes the _i_ to be 24 Chinese ounces,
+and corrects Chu Hsi’s statement that it equaled 20 oz. only. But Li
+Ch’uan of the T’ang dynasty here gives the same figure as Chu Hsi.]
+
+
+20. The onrush of a conquering force is like the bursting of pent-up
+waters into a chasm a thousand fathoms deep. So much for tactical
+dispositions.
+
+
+
+
+Chapter V. ENERGY
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: The control of a large force is the same principle as
+the control of a few men: it is merely a question of dividing up their
+numbers.
+
+[That is, cutting up the army into regiments, companies, etc., with
+subordinate officers in command of each. Tu Mu reminds us of Han Hsin’s
+famous reply to the first Han Emperor, who once said to him: "How large
+an army do you think I could lead?" "Not more than 100,000 men, your
+Majesty." "And you?" asked the Emperor. "Oh!" he answered, "the more
+the better."]
+
+
+2. Fighting with a large army under your command is nowise different
+from fighting with a small one: it is merely a question of instituting
+signs and signals.
+
+3. To ensure that your whole host may withstand the brunt of the
+enemy’s attack and remain unshaken—this is effected by manœuvers direct
+and indirect.
+
+[We now come to one of the most interesting parts of Sun Tzŭ’s
+treatise, the discussion of the _cheng_ and the _ch’i_." As it is by no
+means easy to grasp the full significance of these two terms, or to
+render them consistently by good English equivalents; it may be as well
+to tabulate some of the commentators’ remarks on the subject before
+proceeding further. Li Ch’uan: "Facing the enemy is _cheng_, making
+lateral diversion is _ch’i_. Chia Lin: "In presence of the enemy, your
+troops should be arrayed in normal fashion, but in order to secure
+victory abnormal manœuvers must be employed." Mei Yao-ch’en: "_Ch’i_ is
+active, _cheng_ is passive; passivity means waiting for an opportunity,
+activity brings the victory itself." Ho Shih: "We must cause the enemy
+to regard our straightforward attack as one that is secretly designed,
+and vice versa; thus _cheng_ may also be _ch’i_, and _ch’i_ may also be
+_cheng_." He instances the famous exploit of Han Hsin, who when
+marching ostensibly against Lin-chin (now Chao-i in Shensi), suddenly
+threw a large force across the Yellow River in wooden tubs, utterly
+disconcerting his opponent. [Ch’ien Han Shu, ch. 3.] Here, we are told,
+the march on Lin-chin was _cheng_, and the surprise manœuver was
+_ch’i_." Chang Yu gives the following summary of opinions on the words:
+"Military writers do not agree with regard to the meaning of _ch’i_ and
+_cheng_. Wei Liao Tzŭ [4th cent. B.C.] says: ‘Direct warfare favours
+frontal attacks, indirect warfare attacks from the rear.’ Ts’ao Kung
+says: ‘Going straight out to join battle is a direct operation;
+appearing on the enemy’s rear is an indirect manœuver.’ Li Wei-kung
+[6th and 7th cent. A.D.] says: ‘In war, to march straight ahead is
+_cheng_; turning movements, on the other hand, are _ch’i_.’ These
+writers simply regard _cheng_ as _cheng_, and _ch’i_ as _ch’i_; they do
+not note that the two are mutually interchangeable and run into each
+other like the two sides of a circle [see infra, § 11]. A comment on
+the T’ang Emperor T’ai Tsung goes to the root of the matter: ‘A _ch’i_
+manœuver may be _cheng_, if we make the enemy look upon it as _cheng_;
+then our real attack will be _ch’i_, and vice versa. The whole secret
+lies in confusing the enemy, so that he cannot fathom our real
+intent.’" To put it perhaps a little more clearly: any attack or other
+operation is _cheng_, on which the enemy has had his attention fixed;
+whereas that is _ch’i_," which takes him by surprise or comes from an
+unexpected quarter. If the enemy perceives a movement which is meant to
+be _ch’i_," it immediately becomes _cheng_."]
+
+
+4. That the impact of your army may be like a grindstone dashed against
+an egg—this is effected by the science of weak points and strong.
+
+5. In all fighting, the direct method may be used for joining battle,
+but indirect methods will be needed in order to secure victory.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "Steadily develop indirect tactics, either by pounding
+the enemy’s flanks or falling on his rear." A brilliant example of
+"indirect tactics" which decided the fortunes of a campaign was Lord
+Roberts’ night march round the Peiwar Kotal in the second Afghan war.
+[1]
+
+
+6. Indirect tactics, efficiently applied, are inexhausible as Heaven
+and Earth, unending as the flow of rivers and streams; like the sun and
+moon, they end but to begin anew; like the four seasons, they pass away
+but to return once more.
+
+[Tu Yu and Chang Yu understand this of the permutations of _ch’i_ and
+_cheng_. But at present Sun Tzŭ is not speaking of _cheng_ at all,
+unless, indeed, we suppose with Cheng Yu-hsien that a clause relating
+to it has fallen out of the text. Of course, as has already been
+pointed out, the two are so inextricably interwoven in all military
+operations, that they cannot really be considered apart. Here we simply
+have an expression, in figurative language, of the almost infinite
+resource of a great leader.]
+
+
+7. There are not more than five musical notes, yet the combinations of
+these five give rise to more melodies than can ever be heard.
+
+8. There are not more than five primary colours (blue, yellow, red,
+white, and black), yet in combination they produce more hues than can
+ever be seen.
+
+9 There are not more than five cardinal tastes (sour, acrid, salt,
+sweet, bitter), yet combinations of them yield more flavours than can
+ever be tasted.
+
+10. In battle, there are not more than two methods of attack—the direct
+and the indirect; yet these two in combination give rise to an endless
+series of manœuvers.
+
+11. The direct and the indirect lead on to each other in turn. It is
+like moving in a circle—you never come to an end. Who can exhaust the
+possibilities of their combination?
+
+12. The onset of troops is like the rush of a torrent which will even
+roll stones along in its course.
+
+13. The quality of decision is like the well-timed swoop of a falcon
+which enables it to strike and destroy its victim.
+
+[The Chinese here is tricky and a certain key word in the context it is
+used defies the best efforts of the translator. Tu Mu defines this word
+as "the measurement or estimation of distance." But this meaning does
+not quite fit the illustrative simile in §. 15. Applying this
+definition to the falcon, it seems to me to denote that instinct of
+_self-restraint_ which keeps the bird from swooping on its quarry until
+the right moment, together with the power of judging when the right
+moment has arrived. The analogous quality in soldiers is the highly
+important one of being able to reserve their fire until the very
+instant at which it will be most effective. When the "Victory" went
+into action at Trafalgar at hardly more than drifting pace, she was for
+several minutes exposed to a storm of shot and shell before replying
+with a single gun. Nelson coolly waited until he was within close
+range, when the broadside he brought to bear worked fearful havoc on
+the enemy’s nearest ships.]
+
+
+14. Therefore the good fighter will be terrible in his onset, and
+prompt in his decision.
+
+[The word "decision" would have reference to the measurement of
+distance mentioned above, letting the enemy get near before striking.
+But I cannot help thinking that Sun Tzŭ meant to use the word in a
+figurative sense comparable to our own idiom "short and sharp." Cf.
+Wang Hsi’s note, which after describing the falcon’s mode of attack,
+proceeds: "This is just how the ‘psychological moment’ should be seized
+in war."]
+
+
+15. Energy may be likened to the bending of a crossbow; decision, to
+the releasing of the trigger.
+
+[None of the commentators seem to grasp the real point of the simile of
+energy and the force stored up in the bent cross-bow until released by
+the finger on the trigger.]
+
+
+16. Amid the turmoil and tumult of battle, there may be seeming
+disorder and yet no real disorder at all; amid confusion and chaos,
+your array may be without head or tail, yet it will be proof against
+defeat.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en says: "The subdivisions of the army having been
+previously fixed, and the various signals agreed upon, the separating
+and joining, the dispersing and collecting which will take place in the
+course of a battle, may give the appearance of disorder when no real
+disorder is possible. Your formation may be without head or tail, your
+dispositions all topsy-turvy, and yet a rout of your forces quite out
+of the question."]
+
+
+17. Simulated disorder postulates perfect discipline; simulated fear
+postulates courage; simulated weakness postulates strength.
+
+[In order to make the translation intelligible, it is necessary to tone
+down the sharply paradoxical form of the original. Ts’ao Kung throws
+out a hint of the meaning in his brief note: "These things all serve to
+destroy formation and conceal one’s condition." But Tu Mu is the first
+to put it quite plainly: "If you wish to feign confusion in order to
+lure the enemy on, you must first have perfect discipline; if you wish
+to display timidity in order to entrap the enemy, you must have extreme
+courage; if you wish to parade your weakness in order to make the enemy
+over-confident, you must have exceeding strength."]
+
+
+18. Hiding order beneath the cloak of disorder is simply a question of
+subdivision;
+
+[See _supra_, § 1.]
+
+
+concealing courage under a show of timidity presupposes a fund of
+latent energy;
+
+[The commentators strongly understand a certain Chinese word here
+differently than anywhere else in this chapter. Thus Tu Mu says:
+"seeing that we are favourably circumstanced and yet make no move, the
+enemy will believe that we are really afraid."]
+
+
+masking strength with weakness is to be effected by tactical
+dispositions.
+
+[Chang Yu relates the following anecdote of Kao Tsu, the first Han
+Emperor: “Wishing to crush the Hsiung-nu, he sent out spies to report
+on their condition. But the Hsiung-nu, forewarned, carefully concealed
+all their able-bodied men and well-fed horses, and only allowed infirm
+soldiers and emaciated cattle to be seen. The result was that spies one
+and all recommended the Emperor to deliver his attack. Lou Ching alone
+opposed them, saying: ‘When two countries go to war, they are naturally
+inclined to make an ostentatious display of their strength. Yet our
+spies have seen nothing but old age and infirmity. This is surely some
+_ruse_ on the part of the enemy, and it would be unwise for us to
+attack.’ The Emperor, however, disregarding this advice, fell into the
+trap and found himself surrounded at Po-teng.”]
+
+
+19. Thus one who is skilful at keeping the enemy on the move maintains
+deceitful appearances, according to which the enemy will act.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung’s note is "Make a display of weakness and want." Tu Mu
+says: "If our force happens to be superior to the enemy’s, weakness may
+be simulated in order to lure him on; but if inferior, he must be led
+to believe that we are strong, in order that he may keep off. In fact,
+all the enemy’s movements should be determined by the signs that we
+choose to give him." Note the following anecdote of Sun Pin, a
+descendent of Sun Wu: In 341 B.C., the Ch’i State being at war with
+Wei, sent T’ien Chi and Sun Pin against the general P’ang Chuan, who
+happened to be a deadly personal enemy of the later. Sun Pin said: "The
+Ch’i State has a reputation for cowardice, and therefore our adversary
+despises us. Let us turn this circumstance to account." Accordingly,
+when the army had crossed the border into Wei territory, he gave orders
+to show 100,000 fires on the first night, 50,000 on the next, and the
+night after only 20,000. P’ang Chuan pursued them hotly, saying to
+himself: "I knew these men of Ch’i were cowards: their numbers have
+already fallen away by more than half." In his retreat, Sun Pin came to
+a narrow defile, which he calculated that his pursuers would reach
+after dark. Here he had a tree stripped of its bark, and inscribed upon
+it the words: "Under this tree shall P’ang Chuan die." Then, as night
+began to fall, he placed a strong body of archers in ambush near by,
+with orders to shoot directly if they saw a light. Later on, P’ang
+Chuan arrived at the spot, and noticing the tree, struck a light in
+order to read what was written on it. His body was immediately riddled
+by a volley of arrows, and his whole army thrown into confusion. [The
+above is Tu Mu’s version of the story; the _Shih Chi_, less
+dramatically but probably with more historical truth, makes P’ang Chuan
+cut his own throat with an exclamation of despair, after the rout of
+his army.] ]
+
+
+He sacrifices something, that the enemy may snatch at it.
+
+20. By holding out baits, he keeps him on the march; then with a body
+of picked men he lies in wait for him.
+
+[With an emendation suggested by Li Ching, this then reads, "He lies in
+wait with the main body of his troops."]
+
+
+21. The clever combatant looks to the effect of combined energy, and
+does not require too much from individuals.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "He first of all considers the power of his army in the
+bulk; afterwards he takes individual talent into account, and uses each
+men according to his capabilities. He does not demand perfection from
+the untalented."]
+
+
+Hence his ability to pick out the right men and utilise combined
+energy.
+
+22. When he utilises combined energy, his fighting men become as it
+were like unto rolling logs or stones. For it is the nature of a log or
+stone to remain motionless on level ground, and to move when on a
+slope; if four-cornered, to come to a standstill, but if round-shaped,
+to go rolling down.
+
+[Ts’au Kung calls this "the use of natural or inherent power."]
+
+
+23. Thus the energy developed by good fighting men is as the momentum
+of a round stone rolled down a mountain thousands of feet in height. So
+much on the subject of energy.
+
+[The chief lesson of this chapter, in Tu Mu’s opinion, is the paramount
+importance in war of rapid evolutions and sudden rushes. "Great
+results," he adds, "can thus be achieved with small forces."]
+
+
+[1] "Forty-one Years in India," chapter 46.
+
+
+
+Chapter VI. WEAK POINTS AND STRONG
+
+[Chang Yu attempts to explain the sequence of chapters as follows:
+"Chapter IV, on Tactical Dispositions, treated of the offensive and the
+defensive; chapter V, on Energy, dealt with direct and indirect
+methods. The good general acquaints himself first with the theory of
+attack and defence, and then turns his attention to direct and indirect
+methods. He studies the art of varying and combining these two methods
+before proceeding to the subject of weak and strong points. For the use
+of direct or indirect methods arises out of attack and defence, and the
+perception of weak and strong points depends again on the above
+methods. Hence the present chapter comes immediately after the chapter
+on Energy."]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: Whoever is first in the field and awaits the coming of
+the enemy, will be fresh for the fight; whoever is second in the field
+and has to hasten to battle, will arrive exhausted.
+
+2. Therefore the clever combatant imposes his will on the enemy, but
+does not allow the enemy’s will to be imposed on him.
+
+[One mark of a great soldier is that he fight on his own terms or
+fights not at all. [1] ]
+
+
+3. By holding out advantages to him, he can cause the enemy to approach
+of his own accord; or, by inflicting damage, he can make it impossible
+for the enemy to draw near.
+
+[In the first case, he will entice him with a bait; in the second, he
+will strike at some important point which the enemy will have to
+defend.]
+
+
+4. If the enemy is taking his ease, he can harass him;
+
+[This passage may be cited as evidence against Mei Yao- Ch’en’s
+interpretation of I. § 23.]
+
+
+if well supplied with food, he can starve him out; if quietly encamped,
+he can force him to move.
+
+5. Appear at points which the enemy must hasten to defend; march
+swiftly to places where you are not expected.
+
+6. An army may march great distances without distress, if it marches
+through country where the enemy is not.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung sums up very well: "Emerge from the void [q.d. like "a bolt
+from the blue"], strike at vulnerable points, shun places that are
+defended, attack in unexpected quarters."]
+
+
+7. You can be sure of succeeding in your attacks if you only attack
+places which are undefended.
+
+[Wang Hsi explains "undefended places" as "weak points; that is to say,
+where the general is lacking in capacity, or the soldiers in spirit;
+where the walls are not strong enough, or the precautions not strict
+enough; where relief comes too late, or provisions are too scanty, or
+the defenders are variance amongst themselves."]
+
+
+You can ensure the safety of your defence if you only hold positions
+that cannot be attacked.
+
+[_I.e._, where there are none of the weak points mentioned above. There
+is rather a nice point involved in the interpretation of this later
+clause. Tu Mu, Ch’en Hao, and Mei Yao-ch’en assume the meaning to be:
+"In order to make your defence quite safe, you must defend _even_ those
+places that are not likely to be attacked;" and Tu Mu adds: "How much
+more, then, those that will be attacked." Taken thus, however, the
+clause balances less well with the preceding—always a consideration in
+the highly antithetical style which is natural to the Chinese. Chang
+Yu, therefore, seems to come nearer the mark in saying: "He who is
+skilled in attack flashes forth from the topmost heights of heaven [see
+IV. § 7], making it impossible for the enemy to guard against him. This
+being so, the places that I shall attack are precisely those that the
+enemy cannot defend…. He who is skilled in defence hides in the most
+secret recesses of the earth, making it impossible for the enemy to
+estimate his whereabouts. This being so, the places that I shall hold
+are precisely those that the enemy cannot attack."]
+
+
+8. Hence that general is skilful in attack whose opponent does not
+know what to defend; and he is skilful in defence whose opponent does
+not know what to attack.
+
+[An aphorism which puts the whole art of war in a nutshell.]
+
+
+9. O divine art of subtlety and secrecy! Through you we learn to be
+invisible, through you inaudible;
+
+[Literally, "without form or sound," but it is said of course with
+reference to the enemy.]
+
+
+and hence we can hold the enemy’s fate in our hands.
+
+10. You may advance and be absolutely irresistible, if you make for the
+enemy’s weak points; you may retire and be safe from pursuit if your
+movements are more rapid than those of the enemy.
+
+11. If we wish to fight, the enemy can be forced to an engagement even
+though he be sheltered behind a high rampart and a deep ditch. All we
+need do is attack some other place that he will be obliged to relieve.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "If the enemy is the invading party, we can cut his line
+of communications and occupy the roads by which he will have to return;
+if we are the invaders, we may direct our attack against the sovereign
+himself." It is clear that Sun Tzŭ, unlike certain generals in the late
+Boer war, was no believer in frontal attacks.]
+
+
+12. If we do not wish to fight, we can prevent the enemy from engaging
+us even though the lines of our encampment be merely traced out on the
+ground. All we need do is to throw something odd and unaccountable in
+his way.
+
+[This extremely concise expression is intelligibly paraphrased by Chia
+Lin: "even though we have constructed neither wall nor ditch." Li
+Ch’uan says: "we puzzle him by strange and unusual dispositions;" and
+Tu Mu finally clinches the meaning by three illustrative anecdotes—one
+of Chu-ko Liang, who when occupying Yang-p’ing and about to be attacked
+by Ssu-ma I, suddenly struck his colors, stopped the beating of the
+drums, and flung open the city gates, showing only a few men engaged in
+sweeping and sprinkling the ground. This unexpected proceeding had the
+intended effect; for Ssu-ma I, suspecting an ambush, actually drew off
+his army and retreated. What Sun Tzŭ is advocating here, therefore, is
+nothing more nor less than the timely use of "bluff."]
+
+
+13. By discovering the enemy’s dispositions and remaining invisible
+ourselves, we can keep our forces concentrated, while the enemy’s must
+be divided.
+
+[The conclusion is perhaps not very obvious, but Chang Yu (after Mei
+Yao-ch’en) rightly explains it thus: "If the enemy’s dispositions are
+visible, we can make for him in one body; whereas, our own dispositions
+being kept secret, the enemy will be obliged to divide his forces in
+order to guard against attack from every quarter."]
+
+
+14. We can form a single united body, while the enemy must split up
+into fractions. Hence there will be a whole pitted against separate
+parts of a whole, which means that we shall be many to the enemy’s few.
+
+15. And if we are able thus to attack an inferior force with a superior
+one, our opponents will be in dire straits.
+
+16. The spot where we intend to fight must not be made known; for then
+the enemy will have to prepare against a possible attack at several
+different points;
+
+[Sheridan once explained the reason of General Grant’s victories by
+saying that "while his opponents were kept fully employed wondering
+what he was going to do, _he_ was thinking most of what he was going to
+do himself."]
+
+
+and his forces being thus distributed in many directions, the numbers
+we shall have to face at any given point will be proportionately few.
+
+17. For should the enemy strengthen his van, he will weaken his rear;
+should he strengthen his rear, he will weaken his van; should he
+strengthen his left, he will weaken his right; should he strengthen his
+right, he will weaken his left. If he sends reinforcements everywhere,
+he will everywhere be weak.
+
+[In Frederick the Great’s _Instructions to his Generals_ we read: "A
+defensive war is apt to betray us into too frequent detachment. Those
+generals who have had but little experience attempt to protect every
+point, while those who are better acquainted with their profession,
+having only the capital object in view, guard against a decisive blow,
+and acquiesce in small misfortunes to avoid greater."]
+
+
+18. Numerical weakness comes from having to prepare against possible
+attacks; numerical strength, from compelling our adversary to make
+these preparations against us.
+
+[The highest generalship, in Col. Henderson’s words, is "to compel the
+enemy to disperse his army, and then to concentrate superior force
+against each fraction in turn."]
+
+
+19. Knowing the place and the time of the coming battle, we may
+concentrate from the greatest distances in order to fight.
+
+[What Sun Tzŭ evidently has in mind is that nice calculation of
+distances and that masterly employment of strategy which enable a
+general to divide his army for the purpose of a long and rapid march,
+and afterwards to effect a junction at precisely the right spot and the
+right hour in order to confront the enemy in overwhelming strength.
+Among many such successful junctions which military history records,
+one of the most dramatic and decisive was the appearance of Blucher
+just at the critical moment on the field of Waterloo.]
+
+
+20. But if neither time nor place be known, then the left wing will be
+impotent to succour the right, the right equally impotent to succour the
+left, the van unable to relieve the rear, or the rear to support the
+van. How much more so if the furthest portions of the army are anything
+under a hundred _li_ apart, and even the nearest are separated by
+several _li_!
+
+[The Chinese of this last sentence is a little lacking in precision,
+but the mental picture we are required to draw is probably that of an
+army advancing towards a given rendezvous in separate columns, each of
+which has orders to be there on a fixed date. If the general allows the
+various detachments to proceed at haphazard, without precise
+instructions as to the time and place of meeting, the enemy will be
+able to annihilate the army in detail. Chang Yu’s note may be worth
+quoting here: "If we do not know the place where our opponents mean to
+concentrate or the day on which they will join battle, our unity will
+be forfeited through our preparations for defence, and the positions we
+hold will be insecure. Suddenly happening upon a powerful foe, we shall
+be brought to battle in a flurried condition, and no mutual support
+will be possible between wings, vanguard or rear, especially if there
+is any great distance between the foremost and hindmost divisions of
+the army."]
+
+
+21. Though according to my estimate the soldiers of Yüeh exceed our own
+in number, that shall advantage them nothing in the matter of victory.
+I say then that victory can be achieved.
+
+[Alas for these brave words! The long feud between the two states ended
+in 473 B.C. with the total defeat of Wu by Kou Chien and its
+incorporation in Yüeh. This was doubtless long after Sun Tzŭ’s death.
+With his present assertion compare IV. § 4. Chang Yu is the only one to
+point out the seeming discrepancy, which he thus goes on to explain:
+"In the chapter on Tactical Dispositions it is said, ‘One may _know_
+how to conquer without being able to _do_ it,’ whereas here we have the
+statement that ‘victory’ can be achieved.’ The explanation is, that in
+the former chapter, where the offensive and defensive are under
+discussion, it is said that if the enemy is fully prepared, one cannot
+make certain of beating him. But the present passage refers
+particularly to the soldiers of Yüeh who, according to Sun Tzŭ’s
+calculations, will be kept in ignorance of the time and place of the
+impending struggle. That is why he says here that victory can be
+achieved."]
+
+
+22. Though the enemy be stronger in numbers, we may prevent him from
+fighting. Scheme so as to discover his plans and the likelihood of
+their success.
+
+[An alternative reading offered by Chia Lin is: "Know beforehand all
+plans conducive to our success and to the enemy’s failure."
+
+
+23. Rouse him, and learn the principle of his activity or inactivity.
+
+[Chang Yu tells us that by noting the joy or anger shown by the enemy
+on being thus disturbed, we shall be able to conclude whether his
+policy is to lie low or the reverse. He instances the action of Cho-ku
+Liang, who sent the scornful present of a woman’s head-dress to Ssu-ma
+I, in order to goad him out of his Fabian tactics.]
+
+
+Force him to reveal himself, so as to find out his vulnerable spots.
+
+24. Carefully compare the opposing army with your own, so that you may
+know where strength is superabundant and where it is deficient.
+
+[Cf. IV. § 6.]
+
+
+25. In making tactical dispositions, the highest pitch you can attain
+is to conceal them;
+
+[The piquancy of the paradox evaporates in translation. Concealment is
+perhaps not so much actual invisibility (see _supra_ § 9) as "showing
+no sign" of what you mean to do, of the plans that are formed in your
+brain.]
+
+
+conceal your dispositions, and you will be safe from the prying of the
+subtlest spies, from the machinations of the wisest brains.
+
+[Tu Mu explains: "Though the enemy may have clever and capable
+officers, they will not be able to lay any plans against us."]
+
+
+26. How victory may be produced for them out of the enemy’s own
+tactics—that is what the multitude cannot comprehend.
+
+27. All men can see the tactics whereby I conquer, but what none can
+see is the strategy out of which victory is evolved.
+
+[_I.e._, everybody can see superficially how a battle is won; what they
+cannot see is the long series of plans and combinations which has
+preceded the battle.]
+
+
+28. Do not repeat the tactics which have gained you one victory, but
+let your methods be regulated by the infinite variety of circumstances.
+
+[As Wang Hsi sagely remarks: "There is but one root-principle
+underlying victory, but the tactics which lead up to it are infinite in
+number." With this compare Col. Henderson: "The rules of strategy are
+few and simple. They may be learned in a week. They may be taught by
+familiar illustrations or a dozen diagrams. But such knowledge will no
+more teach a man to lead an army like Napoleon than a knowledge of
+grammar will teach him to write like Gibbon."]
+
+
+29. Military tactics are like unto water; for water in its natural
+course runs away from high places and hastens downwards.
+
+30. So in war, the way is to avoid what is strong and to strike at what
+is weak.
+
+[Like water, taking the line of least resistance.]
+
+
+31. Water shapes its course according to the nature of the ground over
+which it flows; the soldier works out his victory in relation to the
+foe whom he is facing.
+
+32. Therefore, just as water retains no constant shape, so in warfare
+there are no constant conditions.
+
+33. He who can modify his tactics in relation to his opponent and
+thereby succeed in winning, may be called a heaven-born captain.
+
+34. The five elements (water, fire, wood, metal, earth) are not always
+equally predominant;
+
+[That is, as Wang Hsi says: "they predominate alternately."]
+
+
+the four seasons make way for each other in turn.
+
+[Literally, "have no invariable seat."]
+
+
+There are short days and long; the moon has its periods of waning and
+waxing.
+
+[Cf. V. § 6. The purport of the passage is simply to illustrate the
+want of fixity in war by the changes constantly taking place in Nature.
+The comparison is not very happy, however, because the regularity of
+the phenomena which Sun Tzŭ mentions is by no means paralleled in war.]
+
+
+[1] See Col. Henderson’s biography of Stonewall Jackson, 1902 ed., vol.
+II, p. 490.
+
+
+
+Chapter VII. MANŒUVERING
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: In war, the general receives his commands from the
+sovereign.
+
+2. Having collected an army and concentrated his forces, he must blend
+and harmonise the different elements thereof before pitching his camp.
+
+["Chang Yu says: "the establishment of harmony and confidence between
+the higher and lower ranks before venturing into the field;" and he
+quotes a saying of Wu Tzŭ (chap. 1 ad init.): "Without harmony in the
+State, no military expedition can be undertaken; without harmony in the
+army, no battle array can be formed." In an historical romance Sun Tzŭ
+is represented as saying to Wu Yuan: "As a general rule, those who are
+waging war should get rid of all the domestic troubles before
+proceeding to attack the external foe."]
+
+
+3. After that, comes tactical manœuvering, than which there is nothing
+more difficult.
+
+[I have departed slightly from the traditional interpretation of Ts’ao
+Kung, who says: "From the time of receiving the sovereign’s
+instructions until our encampment over against the enemy, the tactics
+to be pursued are most difficult." It seems to me that the tactics or
+manœuvers can hardly be said to begin until the army has sallied forth
+and encamped, and Ch’ien Hao’s note gives color to this view: "For
+levying, concentrating, harmonizing and entrenching an army, there are
+plenty of old rules which will serve. The real difficulty comes when we
+engage in tactical operations." Tu Yu also observes that "the great
+difficulty is to be beforehand with the enemy in seizing favourable
+position."]
+
+
+The difficulty of tactical manœuvering consists in turning the devious
+into the direct, and misfortune into gain.
+
+[This sentence contains one of those highly condensed and somewhat
+enigmatical expressions of which Sun Tzŭ is so fond. This is how it is
+explained by Ts’ao Kung: "Make it appear that you are a long way off,
+then cover the distance rapidly and arrive on the scene before your
+opponent." Tu Mu says: "Hoodwink the enemy, so that he may be remiss
+and leisurely while you are dashing along with utmost speed." Ho Shih
+gives a slightly different turn: "Although you may have difficult
+ground to traverse and natural obstacles to encounter this is a
+drawback which can be turned into actual advantage by celerity of
+movement." Signal examples of this saying are afforded by the two
+famous passages across the Alps—that of Hannibal, which laid Italy at
+his mercy, and that of Napoleon two thousand years later, which
+resulted in the great victory of Marengo.]
+
+
+4. Thus, to take a long and circuitous route, after enticing the enemy
+out of the way, and though starting after him, to contrive to reach the
+goal before him, shows knowledge of the artifice of _deviation_.
+
+[Tu Mu cites the famous march of Chao She in 270 B.C. to relieve the
+town of O-yu, which was closely invested by a Ch’in army. The King of
+Chao first consulted Lien P’o on the advisability of attempting a
+relief, but the latter thought the distance too great, and the
+intervening country too rugged and difficult. His Majesty then turned
+to Chao She, who fully admitted the hazardous nature of the march, but
+finally said: "We shall be like two rats fighting in a whole—and the
+pluckier one will win!" So he left the capital with his army, but had
+only gone a distance of 30 _li_ when he stopped and began throwing up
+entrenchments. For 28 days he continued strengthening his
+fortifications, and took care that spies should carry the intelligence
+to the enemy. The Ch’in general was overjoyed, and attributed his
+adversary’s tardiness to the fact that the beleaguered city was in the
+Han State, and thus not actually part of Chao territory. But the spies
+had no sooner departed than Chao She began a forced march lasting for
+two days and one night, and arrive on the scene of action with such
+astonishing rapidity that he was able to occupy a commanding position
+on the "North hill" before the enemy had got wind of his movements. A
+crushing defeat followed for the Ch’in forces, who were obliged to
+raise the siege of O-yu in all haste and retreat across the border.]
+
+
+5. Manœuvering with an army is advantageous; with an undisciplined
+multitude, most dangerous.
+
+[I adopt the reading of the _T’ung Tien_, Cheng Yu-hsien and the _T’u
+Shu_, since they appear to apply the exact nuance required in order to
+make sense. The commentators using the standard text take this line to
+mean that manœuvers may be profitable, or they may be dangerous: it all
+depends on the ability of the general.]
+
+
+6. If you set a fully equipped army in march in order to snatch an
+advantage, the chances are that you will be too late. On the other
+hand, to detach a flying column for the purpose involves the sacrifice
+of its baggage and stores.
+
+[Some of the Chinese text is unintelligible to the Chinese
+commentators, who paraphrase the sentence. I submit my own rendering
+without much enthusiasm, being convinced that there is some deep-seated
+corruption in the text. On the whole, it is clear that Sun Tzŭ does not
+approve of a lengthy march being undertaken without supplies. Cf.
+infra, § 11.]
+
+
+7. Thus, if you order your men to roll up their buff-coats, and make
+forced marches without halting day or night, covering double the usual
+distance at a stretch,
+
+[The ordinary day’s march, according to Tu Mu, was 30 _li_; but on one
+occasion, when pursuing Liu Pei, Ts’ao Ts’ao is said to have covered
+the incredible distance of 300 _li_ within twenty-four hours.]
+
+
+doing a hundred _li_ in order to wrest an advantage, the leaders of all
+your three divisions will fall into the hands of the enemy.
+
+8. The stronger men will be in front, the jaded ones will fall behind,
+and on this plan only one-tenth of your army will reach its
+destination.
+
+[The moral is, as Ts’ao Kung and others point out: Don’t march a
+hundred _li_ to gain a tactical advantage, either with or without
+impedimenta. Manœuvers of this description should be confined to short
+distances. Stonewall Jackson said: "The hardships of forced marches are
+often more painful than the dangers of battle." He did not often call
+upon his troops for extraordinary exertions. It was only when he
+intended a surprise, or when a rapid retreat was imperative, that he
+sacrificed everything for speed. [1] ]
+
+
+9. If you march fifty _li_ in order to outmanœuver the enemy, you will
+lose the leader of your first division, and only half your force will
+reach the goal.
+
+[Literally, "the leader of the first division will be _torn away_."]
+
+
+10. If you march thirty _li_ with the same object, two-thirds of your
+army will arrive.
+
+[In the _T’ung Tien_ is added: "From this we may know the difficulty of
+manœuvering."]
+
+
+11. We may take it then that an army without its baggage-train is lost;
+without provisions it is lost; without bases of supply it is lost.
+
+[I think Sun Tzŭ meant "stores accumulated in dépôts." But Tu Yu says
+"fodder and the like," Chang Yu says "Goods in general," and Wang Hsi
+says "fuel, salt, foodstuffs, etc."]
+
+
+12. We cannot enter into alliances until we are acquainted with the
+designs of our neighbours.
+
+13. We are not fit to lead an army on the march unless we are familiar
+with the face of the country—its mountains and forests, its pitfalls
+and precipices, its marshes and swamps.
+
+14. We shall be unable to turn natural advantages to account unless we
+make use of local guides.
+
+[§§. 12-14 are repeated in chap. XI. § 52.]
+
+
+15. In war, practise dissimulation, and you will succeed.
+
+[In the tactics of Turenne, deception of the enemy, especially as to
+the numerical strength of his troops, took a very prominent position.
+[2] ]
+
+Move only if there is a real advantage to be gained.
+
+16. Whether to concentrate or to divide your troops, must be decided by
+circumstances.
+
+17. Let your rapidity be that of the wind,
+
+[The simile is doubly appropriate, because the wind is not only swift
+but, as Mei Yao-ch’en points out, "invisible and leaves no tracks."]
+
+
+your compactness that of the forest.
+
+[Meng Shih comes nearer to the mark in his note: "When slowly marching,
+order and ranks must be preserved"—so as to guard against surprise
+attacks. But natural forest do not grow in rows, whereas they do
+generally possess the quality of density or compactness.]
+
+
+18. In raiding and plundering be like fire,
+
+[Cf. _Shih Ching_, IV. 3. iv. 6: "Fierce as a blazing fire which no man
+can check."]
+
+
+in immovability like a mountain.
+
+[That is, when holding a position from which the enemy is trying to
+dislodge you, or perhaps, as Tu Yu says, when he is trying to entice
+you into a trap.]
+
+
+19. Let your plans be dark and impenetrable as night, and when you
+move, fall like a thunderbolt.
+
+[Tu Yu quotes a saying of T’ai Kung which has passed into a proverb:
+"You cannot shut your ears to the thunder or your eyes to the
+lighting—so rapid are they." Likewise, an attack should be made so
+quickly that it cannot be parried.]
+
+
+20. When you plunder a countryside, let the spoil be divided amongst
+your men;
+
+[Sun Tzŭ wishes to lessen the abuses of indiscriminate plundering by
+insisting that all booty shall be thrown into a common stock, which may
+afterwards be fairly divided amongst all.]
+
+
+when you capture new territory, cut it up into allotments for the
+benefit of the soldiery.
+
+[Ch’en Hao says "quarter your soldiers on the land, and let them sow
+and plant it." It is by acting on this principle, and harvesting the
+lands they invaded, that the Chinese have succeeded in carrying out
+some of their most memorable and triumphant expeditions, such as that
+of Pan Ch’ao who penetrated to the Caspian, and in more recent years,
+those of Fu-k’ang-an and Tso Tsung-t’ang.]
+
+
+21. Ponder and deliberate before you make a move.
+
+[Chang Yu quotes Wei Liao Tzŭ as saying that we must not break camp
+until we have gained the resisting power of the enemy and the
+cleverness of the opposing general. Cf. the "seven comparisons" in I. §
+13.]
+
+
+22. He will conquer who has learnt the artifice of deviation.
+
+[See _supra_, §§ 3, 4.]
+
+
+Such is the art of manœuvering.
+
+[With these words, the chapter would naturally come to an end. But
+there now follows a long appendix in the shape of an extract from an
+earlier book on War, now lost, but apparently extant at the time when
+Sun Tzŭ wrote. The style of this fragment is not noticeably different
+from that of Sun Tzŭ himself, but no commentator raises a doubt as to
+its genuineness.]
+
+
+23. The Book of Army Management says:
+
+[It is perhaps significant that none of the earlier commentators give
+us any information about this work. Mei Yao- Ch’en calls it "an ancient
+military classic," and Wang Hsi, "an old book on war." Considering the
+enormous amount of fighting that had gone on for centuries before Sun
+Tzŭ’s time between the various kingdoms and principalities of China, it
+is not in itself improbable that a collection of military maxims should
+have been made and written down at some earlier period.]
+
+
+On the field of battle,
+
+[Implied, though not actually in the Chinese.]
+
+
+the spoken word does not carry far enough: hence the institution of
+gongs and drums. Nor can ordinary objects be seen clearly enough: hence
+the institution of banners and flags.
+
+24. Gongs and drums, banners and flags, are means whereby the ears and
+eyes of the host may be focussed on one particular point.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "If sight and hearing converge simultaneously on the
+same object, the evolutions of as many as a million soldiers will be
+like those of a single man."!]
+
+
+25. The host thus forming a single united body, is it impossible either
+for the brave to advance alone, or for the cowardly to retreat alone.
+
+[Chuang Yu quotes a saying: "Equally guilty are those who advance
+against orders and those who retreat against orders." Tu Mu tells a
+story in this connection of Wu Ch’i, when he was fighting against the
+Ch’in State. Before the battle had begun, one of his soldiers, a man of
+matchless daring, sallied forth by himself, captured two heads from the
+enemy, and returned to camp. Wu Ch’i had the man instantly executed,
+whereupon an officer ventured to remonstrate, saying: "This man was a
+good soldier, and ought not to have been beheaded." Wu Ch’i replied: "I
+fully believe he was a good soldier, but I had him beheaded because he
+acted without orders."]
+
+
+This is the art of handling large masses of men.
+
+26. In night-fighting, then, make much use of signal-fires and drums,
+and in fighting by day, of flags and banners, as a means of influencing
+the ears and eyes of your army.
+
+[Ch’en Hao alludes to Li Kuang-pi’s night ride to Ho-yang at the head
+of 500 mounted men; they made such an imposing display with torches,
+that though the rebel leader Shih Ssu-ming had a large army, he did not
+dare to dispute their passage.]
+
+
+27. A whole army may be robbed of its spirit;
+
+["In war," says Chang Yu, "if a spirit of anger can be made to pervade
+all ranks of an army at one and the same time, its onset will be
+irresistible. Now the spirit of the enemy’s soldiers will be keenest
+when they have newly arrived on the scene, and it is therefore our cue
+not to fight at once, but to wait until their ardor and enthusiasm have
+worn off, and then strike. It is in this way that they may be robbed of
+their keen spirit." Li Ch’uan and others tell an anecdote (to be found
+in the _Tso Chuan_, year 10, § 1) of Ts’ao Kuei, a protege of Duke
+Chuang of Lu. The latter State was attacked by Ch’i, and the duke was
+about to join battle at Ch’ang-cho, after the first roll of the enemy’s
+drums, when Ts’ao said: "Not just yet." Only after their drums had
+beaten for the third time, did he give the word for attack. Then they
+fought, and the men of Ch’i were utterly defeated. Questioned
+afterwards by the Duke as to the meaning of his delay, Ts’ao Kuei
+replied: "In battle, a courageous spirit is everything. Now the first
+roll of the drum tends to create this spirit, but with the second it is
+already on the wane, and after the third it is gone altogether. I
+attacked when their spirit was gone and ours was at its height. Hence
+our victory." Wu Tzŭ (chap. 4) puts "spirit" first among the "four
+important influences" in war, and continues: "The value of a whole
+army—a mighty host of a million men—is dependent on one man alone: such
+is the influence of spirit!"]
+
+
+a commander-in-chief may be robbed of his presence of mind.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "Presence of mind is the general’s most important
+asset. It is the quality which enables him to discipline disorder and
+to inspire courage into the panic-stricken." The great general Li Ching
+(A.D. 571-649) has a saying: "Attacking does not merely consist in
+assaulting walled cities or striking at an army in battle array; it
+must include the art of assailing the enemy’s mental equilibrium."]
+
+
+28. Now a soldier’s spirit is keenest in the morning;
+
+[Always provided, I suppose, that he has had breakfast. At the battle
+of the Trebia, the Romans were foolishly allowed to fight fasting,
+whereas Hannibal’s men had breakfasted at their leisure. See Livy, XXI,
+liv. 8, lv. 1 and 8.]
+
+
+by noonday it has begun to flag; and in the evening, his mind is bent
+only on returning to camp.
+
+29. A clever general, therefore, avoids an army when its spirit is
+keen, but attacks it when it is sluggish and inclined to return. This
+is the art of studying moods.
+
+30. Disciplined and calm, to await the appearance of disorder and
+hubbub amongst the enemy:—this is the art of retaining self-possession.
+
+31. To be near the goal while the enemy is still far from it, to wait
+at ease while the enemy is toiling and struggling, to be well-fed while
+the enemy is famished:—this is the art of husbanding one’s strength.
+
+32. To refrain from intercepting an enemy whose banners are in perfect
+order, to refrain from attacking an army drawn up in calm and confident
+array:—this is the art of studying circumstances.
+
+33. It is a military axiom not to advance uphill against the enemy, nor
+to oppose him when he comes downhill.
+
+34. Do not pursue an enemy who simulates flight; do not attack soldiers
+whose temper is keen.
+
+35. Do not swallow a bait offered by the enemy.
+
+[Li Ch’uan and Tu Mu, with extraordinary inability to see a metaphor,
+take these words quite literally of food and drink that have been
+poisoned by the enemy. Ch’en Hao and Chang Yu carefully point out that
+the saying has a wider application.]
+
+
+Do not interfere with an army that is returning home.
+
+[The commentators explain this rather singular piece of advice by
+saying that a man whose heart is set on returning home will fight to
+the death against any attempt to bar his way, and is therefore too
+dangerous an opponent to be tackled. Chang Yu quotes the words of Han
+Hsin: "Invincible is the soldier who hath his desire and returneth
+homewards." A marvelous tale is told of Ts’ao Ts’ao’s courage and
+resource in ch. 1 of the _San Kuo Chi_, In 198 A.D., he was besieging
+Chang Hsiu in Jang, when Liu Piao sent reinforcements with a view to
+cutting off Ts’ao’s retreat. The latter was obliged to draw off his
+troops, only to find himself hemmed in between two enemies, who were
+guarding each outlet of a narrow pass in which he had engaged himself.
+In this desperate plight Ts’ao waited until nightfall, when he bored a
+tunnel into the mountain side and laid an ambush in it. As soon as the
+whole army had passed by, the hidden troops fell on his rear, while
+Ts’ao himself turned and met his pursuers in front, so that they were
+thrown into confusion and annihilated. Ts’ao Ts’ao said afterwards:
+"The brigands tried to check my army in its retreat and brought me to
+battle in a desperate position: hence I knew how to overcome them."]
+
+
+36. When you surround an army, leave an outlet free.
+
+[This does not mean that the enemy is to be allowed to escape. The
+object, as Tu Mu puts it, is "to make him believe that there is a road
+to safety, and thus prevent his fighting with the courage of despair."
+Tu Mu adds pleasantly: "After that, you may crush him."]
+
+
+Do not press a desperate foe too hard.
+
+[Ch’en Hao quotes the saying: "Birds and beasts when brought to bay
+will use their claws and teeth." Chang Yu says: "If your adversary has
+burned his boats and destroyed his cooking-pots, and is ready to stake
+all on the issue of a battle, he must not be pushed to extremities." Ho
+Shih illustrates the meaning by a story taken from the life of
+Yen-ch’ing. That general, together with his colleague Tu Chung-wei was
+surrounded by a vastly superior army of Khitans in the year 945 A.D.
+The country was bare and desert-like, and the little Chinese force was
+soon in dire straits for want of water. The wells they bored ran dry,
+and the men were reduced to squeezing lumps of mud and sucking out the
+moisture. Their ranks thinned rapidly, until at last Fu Yen-ch’ing
+exclaimed: "We are desperate men. Far better to die for our country
+than to go with fettered hands into captivity!" A strong gale happened
+to be blowing from the northeast and darkening the air with dense
+clouds of sandy dust. To Chung-wei was for waiting until this had
+abated before deciding on a final attack; but luckily another officer,
+Li Shou-cheng by name, was quicker to see an opportunity, and said:
+"They are many and we are few, but in the midst of this sandstorm our
+numbers will not be discernible; victory will go to the strenuous
+fighter, and the wind will be our best ally." Accordingly, Fu
+Yen-ch’ing made a sudden and wholly unexpected onslaught with his
+cavalry, routed the barbarians and succeeded in breaking through to
+safety.]
+
+
+37. Such is the art of warfare.
+
+[1] See Col. Henderson, op. cit. vol. I. p. 426.
+
+[2] For a number of maxims on this head, see "Marshal Turenne"
+(Longmans, 1907), p. 29.
+
+
+
+Chapter VIII. VARIATION OF TACTICS
+
+[The heading means literally "The Nine Variations," but as Sun Tzŭ does
+not appear to enumerate these, and as, indeed, he has already told us
+(V §§ 6-11) that such deflections from the ordinary course are
+practically innumerable, we have little option but to follow Wang Hsi,
+who says that "Nine" stands for an indefinitely large number. "All it
+means is that in warfare we ought to vary our tactics to the utmost
+degree…. I do not know what Ts’ao Kung makes these Nine Variations out
+to be, but it has been suggested that they are connected with the Nine
+Situations" - of chapt. XI. This is the view adopted by Chang Yu. The
+only other alternative is to suppose that something has been lost—a
+supposition to which the unusual shortness of the chapter lends some
+weight.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: In war, the general receives his commands from the
+sovereign, collects his army and concentrates his forces.
+
+[Repeated from VII. § 1, where it is certainly more in place. It may
+have been interpolated here merely in order to supply a beginning to
+the chapter.]
+
+
+2. When in difficult country, do not encamp. In country where high
+roads intersect, join hands with your allies. Do not linger in
+dangerously isolated positions.
+
+[The last situation is not one of the Nine Situations as given in the
+beginning of chap. XI, but occurs later on (ibid. § 43. q.v.). Chang Yu
+defines this situation as being situated across the frontier, in
+hostile territory. Li Ch’uan says it is "country in which there are no
+springs or wells, flocks or herds, vegetables or firewood;" Chia Lin,
+"one of gorges, chasms and precipices, without a road by which to
+advance."]
+
+
+In hemmed-in situations, you must resort to stratagem. In a desperate
+position, you must fight.
+
+3. There are roads which must not be followed,
+
+["Especially those leading through narrow defiles," says Li Ch’uan,
+"where an ambush is to be feared."]
+
+
+armies which must be not attacked,
+
+[More correctly, perhaps, "there are times when an army must not be
+attacked." Ch’en Hao says: "When you see your way to obtain a rival
+advantage, but are powerless to inflict a real defeat, refrain from
+attacking, for fear of overtaxing your men’s strength."]
+
+
+towns which must not be besieged,
+
+[Cf. III. § 4 Ts’ao Kung gives an interesting illustration from his own
+experience. When invading the territory of Hsu-chou, he ignored the
+city of Hua-pi, which lay directly in his path, and pressed on into the
+heart of the country. This excellent strategy was rewarded by the
+subsequent capture of no fewer than fourteen important district cities.
+Chang Yu says: "No town should be attacked which, if taken, cannot be
+held, or if left alone, will not cause any trouble." Hsun Ying, when
+urged to attack Pi-yang, replied: "The city is small and
+well-fortified; even if I succeed intaking it, it will be no great feat
+of arms; whereas if I fail, I shall make myself a laughing-stock." In
+the seventeenth century, sieges still formed a large proportion of war.
+It was Turenne who directed attention to the importance of marches,
+countermarches and manœuvers. He said: "It is a great mistake to waste
+men in taking a town when the same expenditure of soldiers will gain a
+province." [1] ]
+
+
+positions which must not be contested, commands of the sovereign which
+must not be obeyed.
+
+[This is a hard saying for the Chinese, with their reverence for
+authority, and Wei Liao Tzŭ (quoted by Tu Mu) is moved to exclaim:
+"Weapons are baleful instruments, strife is antagonistic to virtue, a
+military commander is the negation of civil order!" The unpalatable
+fact remains, however, that even Imperial wishes must be subordinated
+to military necessity.]
+
+
+4. The general who thoroughly understands the advantages that accompany
+variation of tactics knows how to handle his troops.
+
+5. The general who does not understand these, may be well acquainted
+with the configuration of the country, yet he will not be able to turn
+his knowledge to practical account.
+
+[Literally, "get the advantage of the ground," which means not only
+securing good positions, but availing oneself of natural advantages in
+every possible way. Chang Yu says: "Every kind of ground is
+characterized by certain natural features, and also gives scope for a
+certain variability of plan. How it is possible to turn these natural
+features to account unless topographical knowledge is supplemented by
+versatility of mind?"]
+
+
+6. So, the student of war who is unversed in the art of war of varying
+his plans, even though he be acquainted with the Five Advantages, will
+fail to make the best use of his men.
+
+[Chia Lin tells us that these imply five obvious and generally
+advantageous lines of action, namely: "if a certain road is short, it
+must be followed; if an army is isolated, it must be attacked; if a
+town is in a parlous condition, it must be besieged; if a position can
+be stormed, it must be attempted; and if consistent with military
+operations, the ruler’s commands must be obeyed." But there are
+circumstances which sometimes forbid a general to use these advantages.
+For instance, "a certain road may be the shortest way for him, but if
+he knows that it abounds in natural obstacles, or that the enemy has
+laid an ambush on it, he will not follow that road. A hostile force may
+be open to attack, but if he knows that it is hard-pressed and likely
+to fight with desperation, he will refrain from striking," and so on.]
+
+
+7. Hence in the wise leader’s plans, considerations of advantage and of
+disadvantage will be blended together.
+
+["Whether in an advantageous position or a disadvantageous one," says
+Ts’ao Kung, "the opposite state should be always present to your
+mind."]
+
+
+8. If our expectation of advantage be tempered in this way, we may
+succeed in accomplishing the essential part of our schemes.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "If we wish to wrest an advantage from the enemy, we must
+not fix our minds on that alone, but allow for the possibility of the
+enemy also doing some harm to us, and let this enter as a factor into
+our calculations."]
+
+
+9. If, on the other hand, in the midst of difficulties we are always
+ready to seize an advantage, we may extricate ourselves from
+misfortune.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "If I wish to extricate myself from a dangerous position,
+I must consider not only the enemy’s ability to injure me, but also my
+own ability to gain an advantage over the enemy. If in my counsels
+these two considerations are properly blended, I shall succeed in
+liberating myself…. For instance; if I am surrounded by the enemy and
+only think of effecting an escape, the nervelessness of my policy will
+incite my adversary to pursue and crush me; it would be far better to
+encourage my men to deliver a bold counter-attack, and use the
+advantage thus gained to free myself from the enemy’s toils." See the
+story of Ts’ao Ts’ao, VII. § 35, note.]
+
+
+10. Reduce the hostile chiefs by inflicting damage on them;
+
+[Chia Lin enumerates several ways of inflicting this injury, some of
+which would only occur to the Oriental mind:—"Entice away the enemy’s
+best and wisest men, so that he may be left without counselors.
+Introduce traitors into his country, that the government policy may be
+rendered futile. Foment intrigue and deceit, and thus sow dissension
+between the ruler and his ministers. By means of every artful
+contrivance, cause deterioration amongst his men and waste of his
+treasure. Corrupt his morals by insidious gifts leading him into
+excess. Disturb and unsettle his mind by presenting him with lovely
+women." Chang Yu (after Wang Hsi) makes a different interpretation of
+Sun Tzŭ here: "Get the enemy into a position where he must suffer
+injury, and he will submit of his own accord."]
+
+
+and make trouble for them,
+
+[Tu Mu, in this phrase, in his interpretation indicates that trouble
+should be made for the enemy affecting their "possessions," or, as we
+might say, "assets," which he considers to be "a large army, a rich
+exchequer, harmony amongst the soldiers, punctual fulfillment of
+commands." These give us a whip-hand over the enemy.]
+
+
+and keep them constantly engaged;
+
+[Literally, "make servants of them." Tu Yu says "prevent them from
+having any rest."]
+
+
+hold out specious allurements, and make them rush to any given point.
+
+[Meng Shih’s note contains an excellent example of the idiomatic use
+of: "cause them to forget _pien_ (the reasons for acting otherwise than
+on their first impulse), and hasten in our direction."]
+
+
+11. The art of war teaches us to rely not on the likelihood of the
+enemy’s not coming, but on our own readiness to receive him; not on the
+chance of his not attacking, but rather on the fact that we have made
+our position unassailable.
+
+12. There are five dangerous faults which may affect a general: (1)
+Recklessness, which leads to destruction;
+
+["Bravery without forethought," as Ts’ao Kung analyzes it, which causes
+a man to fight blindly and desperately like a mad bull. Such an
+opponent, says Chang Yu, "must not be encountered with brute force, but
+may be lured into an ambush and slain." Cf. Wu Tzŭ, chap. IV. ad init.:
+"In estimating the character of a general, men are wont to pay
+exclusive attention to his courage, forgetting that courage is only one
+out of many qualities which a general should possess. The merely brave
+man is prone to fight recklessly; and he who fights recklessly, without
+any perception of what is expedient, must be condemned." Ssu-ma Fa,
+too, makes the incisive remark: "Simply going to one’s death does not
+bring about victory."]
+
+
+(2) cowardice, which leads to capture;
+
+[Ts’ao Kung defines the Chinese word translated here as "cowardice" as
+being of the man "whom timidity prevents from advancing to seize an
+advantage," and Wang Hsi adds "who is quick to flee at the sight of
+danger." Meng Shih gives the closer paraphrase "he who is bent on
+returning alive," this is, the man who will never take a risk. But, as
+Sun Tzŭ knew, nothing is to be achieved in war unless you are willing
+to take risks. T’ai Kung said: "He who lets an advantage slip will
+subsequently bring upon himself real disaster." In 404 A.D., Liu Yu
+pursued the rebel Huan Hsuan up the Yangtsze and fought a naval battle
+with him at the island of Ch’eng-hung. The loyal troops numbered only a
+few thousands, while their opponents were in great force. But Huan
+Hsuan, fearing the fate which was in store for him should be be
+overcome, had a light boat made fast to the side of his war-junk, so
+that he might escape, if necessary, at a moment’s notice. The natural
+result was that the fighting spirit of his soldiers was utterly
+quenched, and when the loyalists made an attack from windward with
+fireships, all striving with the utmost ardor to be first in the fray,
+Huan Hsuan’s forces were routed, had to burn all their baggage and fled
+for two days and nights without stopping. Chang Yu tells a somewhat
+similar story of Chao Ying-ch’i, a general of the Chin State who during
+a battle with the army of Ch’u in 597 B.C. had a boat kept in readiness
+for him on the river, wishing in case of defeat to be the first to get
+across.]
+
+
+(3) a hasty temper, which can be provoked by insults;
+
+[Tu Mu tells us that Yao Hsing, when opposed in 357 A.D. by Huang Mei,
+Teng Ch’iang and others shut himself up behind his walls and refused to
+fight. Teng Ch’iang said: "Our adversary is of a choleric temper and
+easily provoked; let us make constant sallies and break down his walls,
+then he will grow angry and come out. Once we can bring his force to
+battle, it is doomed to be our prey." This plan was acted upon, Yao
+Hsiang came out to fight, was lured as far as San-yuan by the enemy’s
+pretended flight, and finally attacked and slain.]
+
+
+(4) a delicacy of honour which is sensitive to shame;
+
+This need not be taken to mean that a sense of honour is really a defect
+in a general. What Sun Tzŭ condemns is rather an exaggerated
+sensitiveness to slanderous reports, the thin-skinned man who is stung
+by opprobrium, however undeserved. Mei Yao-ch’en truly observes, though
+somewhat paradoxically: "The seeker after glory should be careless of
+public opinion."]
+
+
+(5) over-solicitude for his men, which exposes him to worry and
+trouble.
+
+[Here again, Sun Tzŭ does not mean that the general is to be careless
+of the welfare of his troops. All he wishes to emphasize is the danger
+of sacrificing any important military advantage to the immediate
+comfort of his men. This is a shortsighted policy, because in the long
+run the troops will suffer more from the defeat, or, at best, the
+prolongation of the war, which will be the consequence. A mistaken
+feeling of pity will often induce a general to relieve a beleaguered
+city, or to reinforce a hard-pressed detachment, contrary to his
+military instincts. It is now generally admitted that our repeated
+efforts to relieve Ladysmith in the South African War were so many
+strategical blunders which defeated their own purpose. And in the end,
+relief came through the very man who started out with the distinct
+resolve no longer to subordinate the interests of the whole to
+sentiment in favour of a part. An old soldier of one of our generals who
+failed most conspicuously in this war, tried once, I remember, to
+defend him to me on the ground that he was always "so good to his men."
+By this plea, had he but known it, he was only condemning him out of
+Sun Tzŭ’s mouth.]
+
+
+13. These are the five besetting sins of a general, ruinous to the
+conduct of war.
+
+14. When an army is overthrown and its leader slain, the cause will
+surely be found among these five dangerous faults. Let them be a
+subject of meditation.
+
+[1] "Marshal Turenne," p. 50.
+
+
+
+Chapter IX. THE ARMY ON THE MARCH
+
+[The contents of this interesting chapter are better indicated in § 1
+than by this heading.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: We come now to the question of encamping the army, and
+observing signs of the enemy. Pass quickly over mountains, and keep in
+the neighbourhood of valleys.
+
+[The idea is, not to linger among barren uplands, but to keep close to
+supplies of water and grass. Cf. Wu Tzŭ, ch. 3: "Abide not in natural
+ovens," i.e. "the openings of valleys." Chang Yu tells the following
+anecdote: Wu-tu Ch’iang was a robber captain in the time of the Later
+Han, and Ma Yuan was sent to exterminate his gang. Ch’iang having found
+a refuge in the hills, Ma Yuan made no attempt to force a battle, but
+seized all the favourable positions commanding supplies of water and
+forage. Ch’iang was soon in such a desperate plight for want of
+provisions that he was forced to make a total surrender. He did not
+know the advantage of keeping in the neighbourhood of valleys."]
+
+
+2. Camp in high places,
+
+[Not on high hills, but on knolls or hillocks elevated above the
+surrounding country.]
+
+
+facing the sun.
+
+[Tu Mu takes this to mean "facing south," and Ch’en Hao "facing east."
+Cf. infra, §§ 11, 13.
+
+
+Do not climb heights in order to fight. So much for mountain warfare.
+
+3. After crossing a river, you should get far away from it.
+
+["In order to tempt the enemy to cross after you," according to Ts’ao
+Kung, and also, says Chang Yu, "in order not to be impeded in your
+evolutions." The _T’ung Tien_ reads, "If _the enemy_ crosses a river,"
+etc. But in view of the next sentence, this is almost certainly an
+interpolation.]
+
+
+4. When an invading force crosses a river in its onward march, do not
+advance to meet it in mid-stream. It will be best to let half the army
+get across, and then deliver your attack.
+
+[Li Ch’uan alludes to the great victory won by Han Hsin over Lung Chu
+at the Wei River. Turning to the _Ch’ien Han Shu_, ch. 34, fol. 6
+verso, we find the battle described as follows: "The two armies were
+drawn up on opposite sides of the river. In the night, Han Hsin ordered
+his men to take some ten thousand sacks filled with sand and construct
+a dam higher up. Then, leading half his army across, he attacked Lung
+Chu; but after a time, pretending to have failed in his attempt, he
+hastily withdrew to the other bank. Lung Chu was much elated by this
+unlooked-for success, and exclaiming: "I felt sure that Han Hsin was
+really a coward!" he pursued him and began crossing the river in his
+turn. Han Hsin now sent a party to cut open the sandbags, thus
+releasing a great volume of water, which swept down and prevented the
+greater portion of Lung Chu’s army from getting across. He then turned
+upon the force which had been cut off, and annihilated it, Lung Chu
+himself being amongst the slain. The rest of the army, on the further
+bank, also scattered and fled in all directions.]
+
+
+5. If you are anxious to fight, you should not go to meet the invader
+near a river which he has to cross.
+
+[For fear of preventing his crossing.]
+
+
+6. Moor your craft higher up than the enemy, and facing the sun.
+
+[See _supra_, § 2. The repetition of these words in connection with
+water is very awkward. Chang Yu has the note: "Said either of troops
+marshalled on the river-bank, or of boats anchored in the stream itself;
+in either case it is essential to be higher than the enemy and facing
+the sun." The other commentators are not at all explicit.]
+
+
+Do not move up-stream to meet the enemy.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "As water flows downwards, we must not pitch our camp on
+the lower reaches of a river, for fear the enemy should open the
+sluices and sweep us away in a flood. Chu-ko Wu-hou has remarked that
+‘in river warfare we must not advance against the stream,’ which is as
+much as to say that our fleet must not be anchored below that of the
+enemy, for then they would be able to take advantage of the current and
+make short work of us." There is also the danger, noted by other
+commentators, that the enemy may throw poison on the water to be
+carried down to us.]
+
+
+So much for river warfare.
+
+7. In crossing salt-marshes, your sole concern should be to get over
+them quickly, without any delay.
+
+[Because of the lack of fresh water, the poor quality of the herbage,
+and last but not least, because they are low, flat, and exposed to
+attack.]
+
+
+8. If forced to fight in a salt-marsh, you should have water and grass
+near you, and get your back to a clump of trees.
+
+[Li Ch’uan remarks that the ground is less likely to be treacherous
+where there are trees, while Tu Mu says that they will serve to protect
+the rear.]
+
+
+So much for operations in salt-marshes.
+
+9. In dry, level country, take up an easily accessible position with
+rising ground to your right and on your rear,
+
+[Tu Mu quotes T’ai Kung as saying: "An army should have a stream or a
+marsh on its left, and a hill or tumulus on its right."]
+
+
+so that the danger may be in front, and safety lie behind. So much for
+campaigning in flat country.
+
+10. These are the four useful branches of military knowledge
+
+[Those, namely, concerned with (1) mountains, (2) rivers, (3) marshes,
+and (4) plains. Compare Napoleon’s "Military Maxims," no. 1.]
+
+
+which enabled the Yellow Emperor to vanquish four several sovereigns.
+
+[Regarding the "Yellow Emperor": Mei Yao-ch’en asks, with some
+plausibility, whether there is an error in the text as nothing is known
+of Huang Ti having conquered four other Emperors. The _Shih Chi_ (ch. 1
+ad init.) speaks only of his victories over Yen Ti and Ch’ih Yu. In the
+_Liu T’ao_ it is mentioned that he "fought seventy battles and pacified
+the Empire." Ts’ao Kung’s explanation is, that the Yellow Emperor was
+the first to institute the feudal system of vassals princes, each of
+whom (to the number of four) originally bore the title of Emperor. Li
+Ch’uan tells us that the art of war originated under Huang Ti, who
+received it from his Minister Feng Hou.]
+
+
+11. All armies prefer high ground to low,
+
+["High Ground," says Mei Yao-ch’en, "is not only more agreeable and
+salubrious, but more convenient from a military point of view; low
+ground is not only damp and unhealthy, but also disadvantageous for
+fighting."]
+
+
+and sunny places to dark.
+
+12. If you are careful of your men,
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says: "Make for fresh water and pasture, where you can turn
+out your animals to graze."]
+
+
+and camp on hard ground, the army will be free from disease of every
+kind,
+
+[Chang Yu says: "The dryness of the climate will prevent the outbreak
+of illness."]
+
+
+and this will spell victory.
+
+13. When you come to a hill or a bank, occupy the sunny side, with the
+slope on your right rear. Thus you will at once act for the benefit of
+your soldiers and utilise the natural advantages of the ground.
+
+14. When, in consequence of heavy rains up-country, a river which you
+wish to ford is swollen and flecked with foam, you must wait until it
+subsides.
+
+15. Country in which there are precipitous cliffs with torrents running
+between, deep natural hollows,
+
+The latter defined as "places enclosed on every side by steep banks,
+with pools of water at the bottom."]
+
+
+confined places,
+
+[Defined as "natural pens or prisons" or "places surrounded by
+precipices on three sides—easy to get into, but hard to get out of."]
+
+
+tangled thickets,
+
+[Defined as "places covered with such dense undergrowth that spears
+cannot be used."]
+
+
+quagmires
+
+[Defined as "low-lying places, so heavy with mud as to be impassable
+for chariots and horsemen."]
+
+
+and crevasses,
+
+[Defined by Mei Yao-ch’en as "a narrow difficult way between beetling
+cliffs." Tu Mu’s note is "ground covered with trees and rocks, and
+intersected by numerous ravines and pitfalls." This is very vague, but
+Chia Lin explains it clearly enough as a defile or narrow pass, and
+Chang Yu takes much the same view. On the whole, the weight of the
+commentators certainly inclines to the rendering "defile." But the
+ordinary meaning of the Chinese in one place is "a crack or fissure"
+and the fact that the meaning of the Chinese elsewhere in the sentence
+indicates something in the nature of a defile, make me think that Sun
+Tzŭ is here speaking of crevasses.]
+
+
+should be left with all possible speed and not approached.
+
+16. While we keep away from such places, we should get the enemy to
+approach them; while we face them, we should let the enemy have them on
+his rear.
+
+17. If in the neighbourhood of your camp there should be any hilly
+country, ponds surrounded by aquatic grass, hollow basins filled with
+reeds, or woods with thick undergrowth, they must be carefully routed
+out and searched; for these are places where men in ambush or insidious
+spies are likely to be lurking.
+
+[Chang Yu has the note: "We must also be on our guard against traitors
+who may lie in close covert, secretly spying out our weaknesses and
+overhearing our instructions."]
+
+
+18. When the enemy is close at hand and remains quiet, he is relying on
+the natural strength of his position.
+
+[Here begin Sun Tzŭ’s remarks on the reading of signs, much of which is
+so good that it could almost be included in a modern manual like Gen.
+Baden-Powell’s "Aids to Scouting."]
+
+
+19. When he keeps aloof and tries to provoke a battle, he is anxious
+for the other side to advance.
+
+[Probably because we are in a strong position from which he wishes to
+dislodge us. "If he came close up to us, says Tu Mu, "and tried to
+force a battle, he would seem to despise us, and there would be less
+probability of our responding to the challenge."]
+
+
+20. If his place of encampment is easy of access, he is tendering a
+bait.
+
+21. Movement amongst the trees of a forest shows that the enemy is
+advancing.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung explains this as "felling trees to clear a passage," and
+Chang Yu says: "Every man sends out scouts to climb high places and
+observe the enemy. If a scout sees that the trees of a forest are
+moving and shaking, he may know that they are being cut down to clear a
+passage for the enemy’s march."]
+
+
+The appearance of a number of screens in the midst of thick grass means
+that the enemy wants to make us suspicious.
+
+[Tu Yu’s explanation, borrowed from Ts’ao Kung’s, is as follows: "The
+presence of a number of screens or sheds in the midst of thick
+vegetation is a sure sign that the enemy has fled and, fearing pursuit,
+has constructed these hiding-places in order to make us suspect an
+ambush." It appears that these "screens" were hastily knotted together
+out of any long grass which the retreating enemy happened to come
+across.]
+
+
+22. The rising of birds in their flight is the sign of an ambuscade.
+
+[Chang Yu’s explanation is doubtless right: "When birds that are flying
+along in a straight line suddenly shoot upwards, it means that soldiers
+are in ambush at the spot beneath."]
+
+
+Startled beasts indicate that a sudden attack is coming.
+
+23. When there is dust rising in a high column, it is the sign of
+chariots advancing; when the dust is low, but spread over a wide area,
+it betokens the approach of infantry.
+
+["High and sharp," or rising to a peak, is of course somewhat
+exaggerated as applied to dust. The commentators explain the phenomenon
+by saying that horses and chariots, being heavier than men, raise more
+dust, and also follow one another in the same wheel-track, whereas
+foot-soldiers would be marching in ranks, many abreast. According to
+Chang Yu, "every army on the march must have scouts some way in
+advance, who on sighting dust raised by the enemy, will gallop back and
+report it to the commander-in-chief." Cf. Gen. Baden-Powell: "As you
+move along, say, in a hostile country, your eyes should be looking afar
+for the enemy or any signs of him: figures, dust rising, birds getting
+up, glitter of arms, etc." [1] ]
+
+
+When it branches out in different directions, it shows that parties
+have been sent to collect firewood. A few clouds of dust moving to and
+fro signify that the army is encamping.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "In apportioning the defences for a cantonment, light
+horse will be sent out to survey the position and ascertain the weak
+and strong points all along its circumference. Hence the small quantity
+of dust and its motion."]
+
+
+24. Humble words and increased preparations are signs that the enemy is
+about to advance.
+
+["As though they stood in great fear of us," says Tu Mu. "Their object
+is to make us contemptuous and careless, after which they will attack
+us." Chang Yu alludes to the story of T’ien Tan of the Ch’i-mo against
+the Yen forces, led by Ch’i Chieh. In ch. 82 of the _Shih Chi_ we read:
+"T’ien Tan openly said: ‘My only fear is that the Yen army may cut off
+the noses of their Ch’i prisoners and place them in the front rank to
+fight against us; that would be the undoing of our city.’ The other
+side being informed of this speech, at once acted on the suggestion;
+but those within the city were enraged at seeing their
+fellow-countrymen thus mutilated, and fearing only lest they should
+fall into the enemy’s hands, were nerved to defend themselves more
+obstinately than ever. Once again T’ien Tan sent back converted spies
+who reported these words to the enemy: "What I dread most is that the
+men of Yen may dig up the ancestral tombs outside the town, and by
+inflicting this indignity on our forefathers cause us to become
+faint-hearted.’ Forthwith the besiegers dug up all the graves and
+burned the corpses lying in them. And the inhabitants of Chi-mo,
+witnessing the outrage from the city-walls, wept passionately and were
+all impatient to go out and fight, their fury being increased tenfold.
+T’ien Tan knew then that his soldiers were ready for any enterprise.
+But instead of a sword, he himself took a mattock in his hands, and
+ordered others to be distributed amongst his best warriors, while the
+ranks were filled up with their wives and concubines. He then served
+out all the remaining rations and bade his men eat their fill. The
+regular soldiers were told to keep out of sight, and the walls were
+manned with the old and weaker men and with women. This done, envoys
+were dispatched to the enemy’s camp to arrange terms of surrender,
+whereupon the Yen army began shouting for joy. T’ien Tan also collected
+20,000 ounces of silver from the people, and got the wealthy citizens
+of Chi-mo to send it to the Yen general with the prayer that, when the
+town capitulated, he would not allow their homes to be plundered or
+their women to be maltreated. Ch’i Chieh, in high good humor, granted
+their prayer; but his army now became increasingly slack and careless.
+Meanwhile, T’ien Tan got together a thousand oxen, decked them with
+pieces of red silk, painted their bodies, dragon-like, with colored
+stripes, and fastened sharp blades on their horns and well-greased
+rushes on their tails. When night came on, he lighted the ends of the
+rushes, and drove the oxen through a number of holes which he had
+pierced in the walls, backing them up with a force of 5000 picked
+warriors. The animals, maddened with pain, dashed furiously into the
+enemy’s camp where they caused the utmost confusion and dismay; for
+their tails acted as torches, showing up the hideous pattern on their
+bodies, and the weapons on their horns killed or wounded any with whom
+they came into contact. In the meantime, the band of 5000 had crept up
+with gags in their mouths, and now threw themselves on the enemy. At
+the same moment a frightful din arose in the city itself, all those
+that remained behind making as much noise as possible by banging drums
+and hammering on bronze vessels, until heaven and earth were convulsed
+by the uproar. Terror-stricken, the Yen army fled in disorder, hotly
+pursued by the men of Ch’i, who succeeded in slaying their general Ch’i
+Chien…. The result of the battle was the ultimate recovery of some
+seventy cities which had belonged to the Ch’i State."]
+
+
+Violent language and driving forward as if to the attack are signs that
+he will retreat.
+
+25. When the light chariots come out first and take up a position on
+the wings, it is a sign that the enemy is forming for battle.
+
+26. Peace proposals unaccompanied by a sworn covenant indicate a plot.
+
+[The reading here is uncertain. Li Ch’uan indicates "a treaty confirmed
+by oaths and hostages." Wang Hsi and Chang Yu, on the other hand,
+simply say "without reason," "on a frivolous pretext."]
+
+
+27. When there is much running about
+
+[Every man hastening to his proper place under his own regimental
+banner.]
+
+
+and the soldiers fall into rank, it means that the critical moment has
+come.
+
+28. When some are seen advancing and some retreating, it is a lure.
+
+29. When the soldiers stand leaning on their spears, they are faint
+from want of food.
+
+30. If those who are sent to draw water begin by drinking themselves,
+the army is suffering from thirst.
+
+[As Tu Mu remarks: "One may know the condition of a whole army from the
+behavior of a single man."]
+
+
+31. If the enemy sees an advantage to be gained and makes no effort to
+secure it, the soldiers are exhausted.
+
+32. If birds gather on any spot, it is unoccupied.
+
+[A useful fact to bear in mind when, for instance, as Ch’en Hao says,
+the enemy has secretly abandoned his camp.]
+
+
+Clamour by night betokens nervousness.
+
+33. If there is disturbance in the camp, the general’s authority is
+weak. If the banners and flags are shifted about, sedition is afoot. If
+the officers are angry, it means that the men are weary.
+
+[Tu Mu understands the sentence differently: "If all the officers of an
+army are angry with their general, it means that they are broken with
+fatigue" owing to the exertions which he has demanded from them.]
+
+
+34. When an army feeds its horses with grain and kills its cattle for
+food,
+
+[In the ordinary course of things, the men would be fed on grain and
+the horses chiefly on grass.]
+
+
+and when the men do not hang their cooking-pots over the camp-fires,
+showing that they will not return to their tents, you may know that
+they are determined to fight to the death.
+
+[I may quote here the illustrative passage from the _Hou Han Shu_, ch.
+71, given in abbreviated form by the _P’ei Wen Yun Fu:_ "The rebel Wang
+Kuo of Liang was besieging the town of Ch’en- ts’ang, and Huang-fu
+Sung, who was in supreme command, and Tung Cho were sent out against
+him. The latter pressed for hasty measures, but Sung turned a deaf ear
+to his counsel. At last the rebels were utterly worn out, and began to
+throw down their weapons of their own accord. Sung was not advancing to
+the attack, but Cho said: ‘It is a principle of war not to pursue
+desperate men and not to press a retreating host.’ Sung answered: ‘That
+does not apply here. What I am about to attack is a jaded army, not a
+retreating host; with disciplined troops I am falling on a disorganized
+multitude, not a band of desperate men.’ Thereupon he advances to the
+attack unsupported by his colleague, and routed the enemy, Wang Kuo
+being slain."]
+
+
+35. The sight of men whispering together in small knots or speaking in
+subdued tones points to disaffection amongst the rank and file.
+
+36. Too frequent rewards signify that the enemy is at the end of his
+resources;
+
+[Because, when an army is hard pressed, as Tu Mu says, there is always
+a fear of mutiny, and lavish rewards are given to keep the men in good
+temper.]
+
+
+too many punishments betray a condition of dire distress.
+
+[Because in such case discipline becomes relaxed, and unwonted severity
+is necessary to keep the men to their duty.]
+
+
+37. To begin by bluster, but afterwards to take fright at the enemy’s
+numbers, shows a supreme lack of intelligence.
+
+[I follow the interpretation of Ts’ao Kung, also adopted by Li Ch’uan,
+Tu Mu, and Chang Yu. Another possible meaning set forth by Tu Yu, Chia
+Lin, Mei Tao-ch’en and Wang Hsi, is: "The general who is first
+tyrannical towards his men, and then in terror lest they should mutiny,
+etc." This would connect the sentence with what went before about
+rewards and punishments.]
+
+
+38. When envoys are sent with compliments in their mouths, it is a sign
+that the enemy wishes for a truce.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "If the enemy open friendly relations be sending hostages,
+it is a sign that they are anxious for an armistice, either because
+their strength is exhausted or for some other reason." But it hardly
+needs a Sun Tzŭ to draw such an obvious inference.]
+
+
+39. If the enemy’s troops march up angrily and remain facing ours for a
+long time without either joining battle or taking themselves off again,
+the situation is one that demands great vigilance and circumspection.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says a manœuver of this sort may be only a ruse to gain
+time for an unexpected flank attack or the laying of an ambush.]
+
+
+40. If our troops are no more in number than the enemy, that is amply
+sufficient; it only means that no direct attack can be made.
+
+[Literally, "no martial advance." That is to say, _cheng_ tactics and
+frontal attacks must be eschewed, and stratagem resorted to instead.]
+
+
+What we can do is simply to concentrate all our available strength,
+keep a close watch on the enemy, and obtain reinforcements.
+
+[This is an obscure sentence, and none of the commentators succeed in
+squeezing very good sense out of it. I follow Li Ch’uan, who appears to
+offer the simplest explanation: "Only the side that gets more men will
+win." Fortunately we have Chang Yu to expound its meaning to us in
+language which is lucidity itself: "When the numbers are even, and no
+favourable opening presents itself, although we may not be strong enough
+to deliver a sustained attack, we can find additional recruits amongst
+our sutlers and camp-followers, and then, concentrating our forces and
+keeping a close watch on the enemy, contrive to snatch the victory. But
+we must avoid borrowing foreign soldiers to help us." He then quotes
+from Wei Liao Tzŭ, ch. 3: "The nominal strength of mercenary troops may
+be 100,000, but their real value will be not more than half that
+figure."]
+
+
+41. He who exercises no forethought but makes light of his opponents is
+sure to be captured by them.
+
+[Ch’en Hao, quoting from the _Tso Chuan_, says: "If bees and scorpions
+carry poison, how much more will a hostile state! Even a puny opponent,
+then, should not be treated with contempt."]
+
+
+42. If soldiers are punished before they have grown attached to you,
+they will not prove submissive; and, unless submissive, then will be
+practically useless. If, when the soldiers have become attached to you,
+punishments are not enforced, they will still be useless.
+
+43. Therefore soldiers must be treated in the first instance with
+humanity, but kept under control by means of iron discipline.
+
+[Yen Tzŭ [B.C. 493] said of Ssu-ma Jang-chu: "His civil virtues
+endeared him to the people; his martial prowess kept his enemies in
+awe." Cf. Wu Tzŭ, ch. 4 init.: "The ideal commander unites culture with
+a warlike temper; the profession of arms requires a combination of
+hardness and tenderness."]
+
+
+This is a certain road to victory.
+
+44. If in training soldiers commands are habitually enforced, the army
+will be well-disciplined; if not, its discipline will be bad.
+
+45. If a general shows confidence in his men but always insists on his
+orders being obeyed,
+
+[Tu Mu says: "A general ought in time of peace to show kindly
+confidence in his men and also make his authority respected, so that
+when they come to face the enemy, orders may be executed and discipline
+maintained, because they all trust and look up to him." What Sun Tzŭ
+has said in § 44, however, would lead one rather to expect something
+like this: "If a general is always confident that his orders will be
+carried out," etc."]
+
+
+the gain will be mutual.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "The general has confidence in the men under his
+command, and the men are docile, having confidence in him. Thus the
+gain is mutual." He quotes a pregnant sentence from Wei Liao Tzŭ, ch.
+4: "The art of giving orders is not to try to rectify minor blunders
+and not to be swayed by petty doubts." Vacillation and fussiness are
+the surest means of sapping the confidence of an army.]
+
+
+[1] "Aids to Scouting," p. 26.
+
+
+
+Chapter X. TERRAIN
+
+[Only about a third of the chapter, comprising §§ 1-13, deals with
+"terrain," the subject being more fully treated in ch. XI. The "six
+calamities" are discussed in §§ 14-20, and the rest of the chapter is
+again a mere string of desultory remarks, though not less interesting,
+perhaps, on that account.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: We may distinguish six kinds of terrain, to wit: (1)
+Accessible ground;
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en says: "plentifully provided with roads and means of
+communications."]
+
+
+(2) entangling ground;
+
+[The same commentator says: "Net-like country, venturing into which you
+become entangled."]
+
+
+(3) temporising ground;
+
+[Ground which allows you to "stave off" or "delay."]
+
+
+(4) narrow passes; (5) precipitous heights; (6) positions at a great
+distance from the enemy.
+
+[It is hardly necessary to point out the faultiness of this
+classification. A strange lack of logical perception is shown in the
+Chinaman’s unquestioning acceptance of glaring cross-divisions such as
+the above.]
+
+
+2. Ground which can be freely traversed by both sides is called
+_accessible_.
+
+3. With regard to ground of this nature, be before the enemy in
+occupying the raised and sunny spots, and carefully guard your line of
+supplies.
+
+[The general meaning of the last phrase is doubtlessly, as Tu Yu says,
+"not to allow the enemy to cut your communications." In view of
+Napoleon’s dictum, "the secret of war lies in the communications," [1]
+we could wish that Sun Tzŭ had done more than skirt the edge of this
+important subject here and in I. § 10, VII. § 11. Col. Henderson says:
+"The line of supply may be said to be as vital to the existence of an
+army as the heart to the life of a human being. Just as the duelist who
+finds his adversary’s point menacing him with certain death, and his
+own guard astray, is compelled to conform to his adversary’s movements,
+and to content himself with warding off his thrusts, so the commander
+whose communications are suddenly threatened finds himself in a false
+position, and he will be fortunate if he has not to change all his
+plans, to split up his force into more or less isolated detachments,
+and to fight with inferior numbers on ground which he has not had time
+to prepare, and where defeat will not be an ordinary failure, but will
+entail the ruin or surrender of his whole army." [2]
+
+
+Then you will be able to fight with advantage.
+
+4. Ground which can be abandoned but is hard to re-occupy is called
+_entangling_.
+
+5. From a position of this sort, if the enemy is unprepared, you may
+sally forth and defeat him. But if the enemy is prepared for your
+coming, and you fail to defeat him, then, return being impossible,
+disaster will ensue.
+
+6. When the position is such that neither side will gain by making the
+first move, it is called _temporising_ ground.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "Each side finds it inconvenient to move, and the
+situation remains at a deadlock."]
+
+
+7. In a position of this sort, even though the enemy should offer us an
+attractive bait,
+
+[Tu Yu says, "turning their backs on us and pretending to flee." But
+this is only one of the lures which might induce us to quit our
+position.]
+
+
+it will be advisable not to stir forth, but rather to retreat, thus
+enticing the enemy in his turn; then, when part of his army has come
+out, we may deliver our attack with advantage.
+
+8. With regard to _narrow passes_, if you can occupy them first, let
+them be strongly garrisoned and await the advent of the enemy.
+
+[Because then, as Tu Yu observes, "the initiative will lie with us, and
+by making sudden and unexpected attacks we shall have the enemy at our
+mercy."]
+
+
+9. Should the enemy forestall you in occupying a pass, do not go after
+him if the pass is fully garrisoned, but only if it is weakly
+garrisoned.
+
+10. With regard to _precipitous heights_, if you are beforehand with
+your adversary, you should occupy the raised and sunny spots, and there
+wait for him to come up.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says: "The particular advantage of securing heights and
+defiles is that your actions cannot then be dictated by the enemy."
+[For the enunciation of the grand principle alluded to, see VI. § 2].
+Chang Yu tells the following anecdote of P’ei Hsing-chien (A.D.
+619-682), who was sent on a punitive expedition against the Turkic
+tribes. "At night he pitched his camp as usual, and it had already been
+completely fortified by wall and ditch, when suddenly he gave orders
+that the army should shift its quarters to a hill near by. This was
+highly displeasing to his officers, who protested loudly against the
+extra fatigue which it would entail on the men. P’ei Hsing-chien,
+however, paid no heed to their remonstrances and had the camp moved as
+quickly as possible. The same night, a terrific storm came on, which
+flooded their former place of encampment to the depth of over twelve
+feet. The recalcitrant officers were amazed at the sight, and owned
+that they had been in the wrong. ‘How did you know what was going to
+happen?’ they asked. P’ei Hsing-chien replied: ‘From this time forward
+be content to obey orders without asking unnecessary questions.’ From
+this it may be seen," Chang Yu continues, "that high and sunny places
+are advantageous not only for fighting, but also because they are
+immune from disastrous floods."]
+
+
+11. If the enemy has occupied them before you, do not follow him, but
+retreat and try to entice him away.
+
+[The turning point of Li Shih-min’s campaign in 621 A.D. against the
+two rebels, Tou Chien-te, King of Hsia, and Wang Shih-ch’ung, Prince of
+Cheng, was his seizure of the heights of Wu-lao, in spite of which Tou
+Chien-te persisted in his attempt to relieve his ally in Lo-yang, was
+defeated and taken prisoner. See _Chiu T’ang Shu_, ch. 2, fol. 5 verso,
+and also ch. 54.]
+
+
+12. If you are situated at a great distance from the enemy, and the
+strength of the two armies is equal, it is not easy to provoke a
+battle,
+
+[The point is that we must not think of undertaking a long and
+wearisome march, at the end of which, as Tu Yu says, "we should be
+exhausted and our adversary fresh and keen."]
+
+
+and fighting will be to your disadvantage.
+
+13. These six are the principles connected with Earth.
+
+[Or perhaps, "the principles relating to ground." See, however, I. §
+8.]
+
+
+The general who has attained a responsible post must be careful to
+study them.
+
+14. Now an army is exposed to six several calamities, not arising from
+natural causes, but from faults for which the general is responsible.
+These are: (1) Flight; (2) insubordination; (3) collapse; (4) ruin; (5)
+disorganisation; (6) rout.
+
+15. Other conditions being equal, if one force is hurled against
+another ten times its size, the result will be the _flight_ of the
+former.
+
+16. When the common soldiers are too strong and their officers too
+weak, the result is _insubordination_.
+
+[Tu Mu cites the unhappy case of T’ien Pu [_Hsin T’ang Shu_, ch. 148],
+who was sent to Wei in 821 A.D. with orders to lead an army against
+Wang T’ing-ts’ou. But the whole time he was in command, his soldiers
+treated him with the utmost contempt, and openly flouted his authority
+by riding about the camp on donkeys, several thousands at a time. T’ien
+Pu was powerless to put a stop to this conduct, and when, after some
+months had passed, he made an attempt to engage the enemy, his troops
+turned tail and dispersed in every direction. After that, the
+unfortunate man committed suicide by cutting his throat.]
+
+
+When the officers are too strong and the common soldiers too weak, the
+result is _collapse_.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says: "The officers are energetic and want to press on, the
+common soldiers are feeble and suddenly collapse."]
+
+
+17. When the higher officers are angry and insubordinate, and on
+meeting the enemy give battle on their own account from a feeling of
+resentment, before the commander-in-chief can tell whether or no he is
+in a position to fight, the result is _ruin_.
+
+[Wang Hsi’s note is: "This means, the general is angry without cause,
+and at the same time does not appreciate the ability of his subordinate
+officers; thus he arouses fierce resentment and brings an avalanche of
+ruin upon his head."]
+
+
+18. When the general is weak and without authority; when his orders are
+not clear and distinct;
+
+[Wei Liao Tzŭ (ch. 4) says: "If the commander gives his orders with
+decision, the soldiers will not wait to hear them twice; if his moves
+are made without vacillation, the soldiers will not be in two minds
+about doing their duty." General Baden-Powell says, italicizing the
+words: "The secret of getting successful work out of your trained men
+lies in one nutshell—in the clearness of the instructions they
+receive." [3] Cf. also Wu Tzŭ ch. 3: "the most fatal defect in a
+military leader is difference; the worst calamities that befall an army
+arise from hesitation."]
+
+
+when there are no fixed duties assigned to officers and men,
+
+[Tu Mu says: "Neither officers nor men have any regular routine."]
+
+
+and the ranks are formed in a slovenly haphazard manner, the result is
+utter _disorganisation_.
+
+19. When a general, unable to estimate the enemy’s strength, allows an
+inferior force to engage a larger one, or hurls a weak detachment
+against a powerful one, and neglects to place picked soldiers in the
+front rank, the result must be a _rout_.
+
+[Chang Yu paraphrases the latter part of the sentence and continues:
+"Whenever there is fighting to be done, the keenest spirits should be
+appointed to serve in the front ranks, both in order to strengthen the
+resolution of our own men and to demoralize the enemy." Cf. the primi
+ordines of Caesar ("De Bello Gallico," V. 28, 44, et al.).]
+
+
+20. These are six ways of courting defeat, which must be carefully
+noted by the general who has attained a responsible post.
+
+[See _supra_, § 13.]
+
+
+21. The natural formation of the country is the soldier’s best ally;
+
+[Ch’en Hao says: "The advantages of weather and season are not equal to
+those connected with ground."]
+
+
+but a power of estimating the adversary, of controlling the forces of
+victory, and of shrewdly calculating difficulties, dangers and
+distances, constitutes the test of a great general.
+
+22. He who knows these things, and in fighting puts his knowledge into
+practice, will win his battles. He who knows them not, nor practises
+them, will surely be defeated.
+
+23. If fighting is sure to result in victory, then you must fight, even
+though the ruler forbid it; if fighting will not result in victory,
+then you must not fight even at the ruler’s bidding.
+
+[Cf. VIII. § 3 fin. Huang Shih-kung of the Ch’in dynasty, who is said
+to have been the patron of Chang Liang and to have written the _San
+Lueh_, has these words attributed to him: "The responsibility of
+setting an army in motion must devolve on the general alone; if advance
+and retreat are controlled from the Palace, brilliant results will
+hardly be achieved. Hence the god-like ruler and the enlightened
+monarch are content to play a humble part in furthering their country’s
+cause [lit., kneel down to push the chariot wheel]." This means that
+"in matters lying outside the zenana, the decision of the military
+commander must be absolute." Chang Yu also quote the saying: "Decrees
+from the Son of Heaven do not penetrate the walls of a camp."]
+
+
+24. The general who advances without coveting fame and retreats without
+fearing disgrace,
+
+[It was Wellington, I think, who said that the hardest thing of all for
+a soldier is to retreat.]
+
+
+whose only thought is to protect his country and do good service for
+his sovereign, is the jewel of the kingdom.
+
+[A noble presentiment, in few words, of the Chinese "happy warrior."
+Such a man, says Ho Shih, "even if he had to suffer punishment, would
+not regret his conduct."]
+
+
+25. Regard your soldiers as your children, and they will follow you
+into the deepest valleys; look on them as your own beloved sons, and
+they will stand by you even unto death.
+
+[Cf. I. § 6. In this connection, Tu Mu draws for us an engaging picture
+of the famous general Wu Ch’i, from whose treatise on war I have
+frequently had occasion to quote: "He wore the same clothes and ate the
+same food as the meanest of his soldiers, refused to have either a
+horse to ride or a mat to sleep on, carried his own surplus rations
+wrapped in a parcel, and shared every hardship with his men. One of his
+soldiers was suffering from an abscess, and Wu Ch’i himself sucked out
+the virus. The soldier’s mother, hearing this, began wailing and
+lamenting. Somebody asked her, saying: ‘Why do you cry? Your son is
+only a common soldier, and yet the commander-in-chief himself has
+sucked the poison from his sore.’ The woman replied, ‘Many years ago,
+Lord Wu performed a similar service for my husband, who never left him
+afterwards, and finally met his death at the hands of the enemy. And
+now that he has done the same for my son, he too will fall fighting I
+know not where.’" Li Ch’uan mentions the Viscount of Ch’u, who invaded
+the small state of Hsiao during the winter. The Duke of Shen said to
+him: "Many of the soldiers are suffering severely from the cold." So he
+made a round of the whole army, comforting and encouraging the men; and
+straightway they felt as if they were clothed in garments lined with
+floss silk.]
+
+
+26. If, however, you are indulgent, but unable to make your authority
+felt; kind-hearted, but unable to enforce your commands; and incapable,
+moreover, of quelling disorder: then your soldiers must be likened to
+spoilt children; they are useless for any practical purpose.
+
+[Li Ching once said that if you could make your soldiers afraid of you,
+they would not be afraid of the enemy. Tu Mu recalls an instance of
+stern military discipline which occurred in 219 A.D., when Lu Meng was
+occupying the town of Chiang-ling. He had given stringent orders to his
+army not to molest the inhabitants nor take anything from them by
+force. Nevertheless, a certain officer serving under his banner, who
+happened to be a fellow-townsman, ventured to appropriate a bamboo hat
+belonging to one of the people, in order to wear it over his regulation
+helmet as a protection against the rain. Lu Meng considered that the
+fact of his being also a native of Ju-nan should not be allowed to
+palliate a clear breach of discipline, and accordingly he ordered his
+summary execution, the tears rolling down his face, however, as he did
+so. This act of severity filled the army with wholesome awe, and from
+that time forth even articles dropped in the highway were not picked
+up.]
+
+
+27. If we know that our own men are in a condition to attack, but are
+unaware that the enemy is not open to attack, we have gone only halfway
+towards victory.
+
+[That is, Ts’ao Kung says, "the issue in this case is uncertain."]
+
+
+28. If we know that the enemy is open to attack, but are unaware that
+our own men are not in a condition to attack, we have gone only halfway
+towards victory.
+
+[Cf. III. § 13 (1).]
+
+
+29. If we know that the enemy is open to attack, and also know that our
+men are in a condition to attack, but are unaware that the nature of
+the ground makes fighting impracticable, we have still gone only
+halfway towards victory.
+
+30. Hence the experienced soldier, once in motion, is never bewildered;
+once he has broken camp, he is never at a loss.
+
+[The reason being, according to Tu Mu, that he has taken his measures
+so thoroughly as to ensure victory beforehand. "He does not move
+recklessly," says Chang Yu, "so that when he does move, he makes no
+mistakes."]
+
+
+31. Hence the saying: If you know the enemy and know yourself, your
+victory will not stand in doubt; if you know Heaven and know Earth, you
+may make your victory complete.
+
+[Li Ch’uan sums up as follows: "Given a knowledge of three things—the
+affairs of men, the seasons of heaven and the natural advantages of
+earth—, victory will invariably crown your battles."]
+
+
+[1] See "Pensees de Napoleon 1er," no. 47.
+
+[2] "The Science of War," chap. 2.
+
+[3] "Aids to Scouting," p. xii.
+
+
+
+Chapter XI. THE NINE SITUATIONS
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: The art of war recognises nine varieties of ground:
+(1) Dispersive ground; (2) facile ground; (3) contentious ground; (4)
+open ground; (5) ground of intersecting highways; (6) serious ground;
+(7) difficult ground; (8) hemmed-in ground; (9) desperate ground.
+
+2. When a chieftain is fighting in his own territory, it is dispersive
+ground.
+
+[So called because the soldiers, being near to their homes and anxious
+to see their wives and children, are likely to seize the opportunity
+afforded by a battle and scatter in every direction. "In their
+advance," observes Tu Mu, "they will lack the valor of desperation, and
+when they retreat, they will find harbors of refuge."]
+
+
+3. When he has penetrated into hostile territory, but to no great
+distance, it is facile ground.
+
+[Li Ch’uan and Ho Shih say "because of the facility for retreating,"
+and the other commentators give similar explanations. Tu Mu remarks:
+"When your army has crossed the border, you should burn your boats and
+bridges, in order to make it clear to everybody that you have no
+hankering after home."]
+
+
+4. Ground the possession of which imports great advantage to either
+side, is contentious ground.
+
+[Tu Mu defines the ground as ground "to be contended for." Ts’ao Kung
+says: "ground on which the few and the weak can defeat the many and the
+strong," such as "the neck of a pass," instanced by Li Ch’uan. Thus,
+Thermopylae was of this classification because the possession of it,
+even for a few days only, meant holding the entire invading army in
+check and thus gaining invaluable time. Cf. Wu Tzŭ, ch. V. ad init.:
+"For those who have to fight in the ratio of one to ten, there is
+nothing better than a narrow pass." When Lu Kuang was returning from
+his triumphant expedition to Turkestan in 385 A.D., and had got as far
+as I-ho, laden with spoils, Liang Hsi, administrator of Liang-chou,
+taking advantage of the death of Fu Chien, King of Ch’in, plotted
+against him and was for barring his way into the province. Yang Han,
+governor of Kao-ch’ang, counseled him, saying: "Lu Kuang is fresh from
+his victories in the west, and his soldiers are vigorous and
+mettlesome. If we oppose him in the shifting sands of the desert, we
+shall be no match for him, and we must therefore try a different plan.
+Let us hasten to occupy the defile at the mouth of the Kao-wu pass,
+thus cutting him off from supplies of water, and when his troops are
+prostrated with thirst, we can dictate our own terms without moving. Or
+if you think that the pass I mention is too far off, we could make a
+stand against him at the I-wu pass, which is nearer. The cunning and
+resource of Tzŭ-fang himself would be expended in vain against the
+enormous strength of these two positions." Liang Hsi, refusing to act
+on this advice, was overwhelmed and swept away by the invader.]
+
+
+5. Ground on which each side has liberty of movement is open ground.
+
+[There are various interpretations of the Chinese adjective for this
+type of ground. Ts’ao Kung says it means "ground covered with a network
+of roads," like a chessboard. Ho Shih suggested: "ground on which
+intercommunication is easy."]
+
+
+6. Ground which forms the key to three contiguous states,
+
+[Ts’au Kung defines this as: "Our country adjoining the enemy’s and a
+third country conterminous with both." Meng Shih instances the small
+principality of Cheng, which was bounded on the north-east by Ch’i, on
+the west by Chin, and on the south by Ch’u.]
+
+
+so that he who occupies it first has most of the Empire at his command,
+
+[The belligerent who holds this dominating position can constrain most
+of them to become his allies.]
+
+
+is ground of intersecting highways.
+
+7. When an army has penetrated into the heart of a hostile country,
+leaving a number of fortified cities in its rear, it is serious ground.
+
+[Wang Hsi explains the name by saying that "when an army has reached
+such a point, its situation is serious."]
+
+
+8. Mountain forests,
+
+[Or simply "forests."]
+
+
+rugged steeps, marshes and fens—all country that is hard to traverse:
+this is difficult ground.
+
+9. Ground which is reached through narrow gorges, and from which we can
+only retire by tortuous paths, so that a small number of the enemy
+would suffice to crush a large body of our men: this is hemmed in
+ground.
+
+10. Ground on which we can only be saved from destruction by fighting
+without delay, is desperate ground.
+
+[The situation, as pictured by Ts’ao Kung, is very similar to the
+"hemmed-in ground" except that here escape is no longer possible: "A
+lofty mountain in front, a large river behind, advance impossible,
+retreat blocked." Ch’en Hao says: "to be on ‘desperate ground’ is like
+sitting in a leaking boat or crouching in a burning house." Tu Mu
+quotes from Li Ching a vivid description of the plight of an army thus
+entrapped: "Suppose an army invading hostile territory without the aid
+of local guides:—it falls into a fatal snare and is at the enemy’s
+mercy. A ravine on the left, a mountain on the right, a pathway so
+perilous that the horses have to be roped together and the chariots
+carried in slings, no passage open in front, retreat cut off behind, no
+choice but to proceed in single file. Then, before there is time to
+range our soldiers in order of battle, the enemy is overwhelming
+strength suddenly appears on the scene. Advancing, we can nowhere take
+a breathing-space; retreating, we have no haven of refuge. We seek a
+pitched battle, but in vain; yet standing on the defensive, none of us
+has a moment’s respite. If we simply maintain our ground, whole days
+and months will crawl by; the moment we make a move, we have to sustain
+the enemy’s attacks on front and rear. The country is wild, destitute
+of water and plants; the army is lacking in the necessaries of life,
+the horses are jaded and the men worn-out, all the resources of
+strength and skill unavailing, the pass so narrow that a single man
+defending it can check the onset of ten thousand; all means of offense
+in the hands of the enemy, all points of vantage already forfeited by
+ourselves:—in this terrible plight, even though we had the most valiant
+soldiers and the keenest of weapons, how could they be employed with
+the slightest effect?" Students of Greek history may be reminded of the
+awful close to the Sicilian expedition, and the agony of the Athenians
+under Nicias and Demonsthenes. [See Thucydides, VII. 78 sqq.].]
+
+
+11. On dispersive ground, therefore, fight not. On facile ground, halt
+not. On contentious ground, attack not.
+
+[But rather let all your energies be bent on occupying the advantageous
+position first. So Ts’ao Kung. Li Ch’uan and others, however, suppose
+the meaning to be that the enemy has already forestalled us, sot that
+it would be sheer madness to attack. In the _Sun Tzŭ Hsu Lu_, when the
+King of Wu inquires what should be done in this case, Sun Tzŭ replies:
+"The rule with regard to contentious ground is that those in possession
+have the advantage over the other side. If a position of this kind is
+secured first by the enemy, beware of attacking him. Lure him away by
+pretending to flee—show your banners and sound your drums—make a dash
+for other places that he cannot afford to lose—trail brushwood and
+raise a dust—confound his ears and eyes—detach a body of your best
+troops, and place it secretly in ambuscade. Then your opponent will
+sally forth to the rescue."]
+
+
+12. On open ground, do not try to block the enemy’s way.
+
+[Because the attempt would be futile, and would expose the blocking
+force itself to serious risks. There are two interpretations available
+here. I follow that of Chang Yu. The other is indicated in Ts’ao Kung’s
+brief note: "Draw closer together"—i.e., see that a portion of your own
+army is not cut off.]
+
+
+On ground of intersecting highways, join hands with your allies.
+
+[Or perhaps, "form alliances with neighbouring states."]
+
+
+13. On serious ground, gather in plunder.
+
+[On this, Li Ch’uan has the following delicious note: "When an army
+penetrates far into the enemy’s country, care must be taken not to
+alienate the people by unjust treatment. Follow the example of the Han
+Emperor Kao Tsu, whose march into Ch’in territory was marked by no
+violation of women or looting of valuables. [Nota bene: this was in 207
+B.C., and may well cause us to blush for the Christian armies that
+entered Peking in 1900 A.D.] Thus he won the hearts of all. In the
+present passage, then, I think that the true reading must be, not
+‘plunder,’ but ‘do not plunder.’" Alas, I fear that in this instance
+the worthy commentator’s feelings outran his judgment. Tu Mu, at least,
+has no such illusions. He says: "When encamped on ‘serious ground,’
+there being no inducement as yet to advance further, and no possibility
+of retreat, one ought to take measures for a protracted resistance by
+bringing in provisions from all sides, and keep a close watch on the
+enemy."]
+
+
+In difficult ground, keep steadily on the march.
+
+[Or, in the words of VIII. § 2, "do not encamp.]
+
+
+14. On hemmed-in ground, resort to stratagem.
+
+[Ts’au Kung says: "Try the effect of some unusual artifice;" and Tu Yu
+amplifies this by saying: "In such a position, some scheme must be
+devised which will suit the circumstances, and if we can succeed in
+deluding the enemy, the peril may be escaped." This is exactly what
+happened on the famous occasion when Hannibal was hemmed in among the
+mountains on the road to Casilinum, and to all appearances entrapped by
+the dictator Fabius. The stratagem which Hannibal devised to baffle his
+foes was remarkably like that which T’ien Tan had also employed with
+success exactly 62 years before. [See IX. § 24, note.] When night came
+on, bundles of twigs were fastened to the horns of some 2000 oxen and
+set on fire, the terrified animals being then quickly driven along the
+mountain side towards the passes which were beset by the enemy. The
+strange spectacle of these rapidly moving lights so alarmed and
+discomfited the Romans that they withdrew from their position, and
+Hannibal’s army passed safely through the defile. [See Polybius, III.
+93, 94; Livy, XXII. 16 17.]
+
+
+On desperate ground, fight.
+
+[For, as Chia Lin remarks: "if you fight with all your might, there is
+a chance of life; where as death is certain if you cling to your
+corner."]
+
+
+15. Those who were called skilful leaders of old knew how to drive a
+wedge between the enemy’s front and rear;
+
+[More literally, "cause the front and rear to lose touch with each
+other."]
+
+
+to prevent co-operation between his large and small divisions; to
+hinder the good troops from rescuing the bad, the officers from
+rallying their men.
+
+16. When the enemy’s men were scattered, they prevented them from
+concentrating; even when their forces were united, they managed to keep
+them in disorder.
+
+17. When it was to their advantage, they made a forward move; when
+otherwise, they stopped still.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en connects this with the foregoing: "Having succeeded in
+thus dislocating the enemy, they would push forward in order to secure
+any advantage to be gained; if there was no advantage to be gained,
+they would remain where they were."]
+
+
+18. If asked how to cope with a great host of the enemy in orderly
+array and on the point of marching to the attack, I should say: "Begin
+by seizing something which your opponent holds dear; then he will be
+amenable to your will."
+
+[Opinions differ as to what Sun Tzŭ had in mind. Ts’ao Kung thinks it
+is "some strategical advantage on which the enemy is depending." Tu Mu
+says: "The three things which an enemy is anxious to do, and on the
+accomplishment of which his success depends, are: (1) to capture our
+favourable positions; (2) to ravage our cultivated land; (3) to guard
+his own communications." Our object then must be to thwart his plans in
+these three directions and thus render him helpless. [Cf. III. § 3.] By
+boldly seizing the initiative in this way, you at once throw the other
+side on the defensive.]
+
+
+19. Rapidity is the essence of war:
+
+[According to Tu Mu, "this is a summary of leading principles in
+warfare," and he adds: "These are the profoundest truths of military
+science, and the chief business of the general." The following
+anecdotes, told by Ho Shih, shows the importance attached to speed by
+two of China’s greatest generals. In 227 A.D., Meng Ta, governor of
+Hsin-ch’eng under the Wei Emperor Wen Ti, was meditating defection to
+the House of Shu, and had entered into correspondence with Chu-ko
+Liang, Prime Minister of that State. The Wei general Ssu-ma I was then
+military governor of Wan, and getting wind of Meng Ta’s treachery, he
+at once set off with an army to anticipate his revolt, having
+previously cajoled him by a specious message of friendly import.
+Ssu-ma’s officers came to him and said: "If Meng Ta has leagued himself
+with Wu and Shu, the matter should be thoroughly investigated before we
+make a move." Ssu-ma I replied: "Meng Ta is an unprincipled man, and we
+ought to go and punish him at once, while he is still wavering and
+before he has thrown off the mask." Then, by a series of forced
+marches, be brought his army under the walls of Hsin-ch’eng with in a
+space of eight days. Now Meng Ta had previously said in a letter to
+Chu-ko Liang: "Wan is 1200 _li_ from here. When the news of my revolt
+reaches Ssu-ma I, he will at once inform his imperial master, but it
+will be a whole month before any steps can be taken, and by that time
+my city will be well fortified. Besides, Ssu-ma I is sure not to come
+himself, and the generals that will be sent against us are not worth
+troubling about." The next letter, however, was filled with
+consternation: "Though only eight days have passed since I threw off my
+allegiance, an army is already at the city-gates. What miraculous
+rapidity is this!" A fortnight later, Hsin- ch’eng had fallen and Meng
+Ta had lost his head. [See _Chin Shu_, ch. 1, f. 3.] In 621 A.D., Li
+Ching was sent from K’uei-chou in Ssu-ch’uan to reduce the successful
+rebel Hsiao Hsien, who had set up as Emperor at the modern Ching-chou
+Fu in Hupeh. It was autumn, and the Yangtsze being then in flood, Hsiao
+Hsien never dreamt that his adversary would venture to come down
+through the gorges, and consequently made no preparations. But Li Ching
+embarked his army without loss of time, and was just about to start
+when the other generals implored him to postpone his departure until
+the river was in a less dangerous state for navigation. Li Ching
+replied: "To the soldier, overwhelming speed is of paramount
+importance, and he must never miss opportunities. Now is the time to
+strike, before Hsiao Hsien even knows that we have got an army
+together. If we seize the present moment when the river is in flood, we
+shall appear before his capital with startling suddenness, like the
+thunder which is heard before you have time to stop your ears against
+it. [See VII. § 19, note.] This is the great principle in war. Even if
+he gets to know of our approach, he will have to levy his soldiers in
+such a hurry that they will not be fit to oppose us. Thus the full
+fruits of victory will be ours." All came about as he predicted, and
+Hsiao Hsien was obliged to surrender, nobly stipulating that his people
+should be spared and he alone suffer the penalty of death.]
+
+
+take advantage of the enemy’s unreadiness, make your way by unexpected
+routes, and attack unguarded spots.
+
+20. The following are the principles to be observed by an invading
+force: The further you penetrate into a country, the greater will be
+the solidarity of your troops, and thus the defenders will not prevail
+against you.
+
+21. Make forays in fertile country in order to supply your army with
+food.
+
+[Cf. _supra_, § 13. Li Ch’uan does not venture on a note here.]
+
+
+22. Carefully study the well-being of your men,
+
+[For "well-being", Wang Hsi means, "Pet them, humor them, give them
+plenty of food and drink, and look after them generally."]
+
+
+and do not overtax them. Concentrate your energy and hoard your
+strength.
+
+[Ch’en recalls the line of action adopted in 224 B.C. by the famous
+general Wang Chien, whose military genius largely contributed to the
+success of the First Emperor. He had invaded the Ch’u State, where a
+universal levy was made to oppose him. But, being doubtful of the
+temper of his troops, he declined all invitations to fight and remained
+strictly on the defensive. In vain did the Ch’u general try to force a
+battle: day after day Wang Chien kept inside his walls and would not
+come out, but devoted his whole time and energy to winning the
+affection and confidence of his men. He took care that they should be
+well fed, sharing his own meals with them, provided facilities for
+bathing, and employed every method of judicious indulgence to weld them
+into a loyal and homogenous body. After some time had elapsed, he told
+off certain persons to find out how the men were amusing themselves.
+The answer was, that they were contending with one another in putting
+the weight and long-jumping. When Wang Chien heard that they were
+engaged in these athletic pursuits, he knew that their spirits had been
+strung up to the required pitch and that they were now ready for
+fighting. By this time the Ch’u army, after repeating their challenge
+again and again, had marched away eastwards in disgust. The Ch’in
+general immediately broke up his camp and followed them, and in the
+battle that ensued they were routed with great slaughter. Shortly
+afterwards, the whole of Ch’u was conquered by Ch’in, and the king
+Fu-ch’u led into captivity.]
+
+
+Keep your army continually on the move,
+
+[In order that the enemy may never know exactly where you are. It has
+struck me, however, that the true reading might be "link your army
+together."]
+
+
+and devise unfathomable plans.
+
+23. Throw your soldiers into positions whence there is no escape, and
+they will prefer death to flight. If they will face death, there is
+nothing they may not achieve.
+
+[Chang Yu quotes his favourite Wei Liao Tzŭ (ch. 3): "If one man were to
+run amok with a sword in the market-place, and everybody else tried to
+get our of his way, I should not allow that this man alone had courage
+and that all the rest were contemptible cowards. The truth is, that a
+desperado and a man who sets some value on his life do not meet on even
+terms."]
+
+
+Officers and men alike will put forth their uttermost strength.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "If they are in an awkward place together, they will
+surely exert their united strength to get out of it."]
+
+
+24. Soldiers when in desperate straits lose the sense of fear. If there
+is no place of refuge, they will stand firm. If they are in the heart
+of a hostile country, they will show a stubborn front. If there is no
+help for it, they will fight hard.
+
+25. Thus, without waiting to be marshalled, the soldiers will be
+constantly on the _qui vive;_ without waiting to be asked, they will do
+your will;
+
+[Literally, "without asking, you will get."]
+
+
+without restrictions, they will be faithful; without giving orders,
+they can be trusted.
+
+26. Prohibit the taking of omens, and do away with superstitious
+doubts. Then, until death itself comes, no calamity need be feared.
+
+[The superstitious, "bound in to saucy doubts and fears," degenerate
+into cowards and "die many times before their deaths." Tu Mu quotes
+Huang Shih-kung: "‘Spells and incantations should be strictly
+forbidden, and no officer allowed to inquire by divination into the
+fortunes of an army, for fear the soldiers’ minds should be seriously
+perturbed.’ The meaning is," he continues, "that if all doubts and
+scruples are discarded, your men will never falter in their resolution
+until they die."]
+
+
+27. If our soldiers are not overburdened with money, it is not because
+they have a distaste for riches; if their lives are not unduly long, it
+is not because they are disinclined to longevity.
+
+[Chang Yu has the best note on this passage: "Wealth and long life are
+things for which all men have a natural inclination. Hence, if they
+burn or fling away valuables, and sacrifice their own lives, it is not
+that they dislike them, but simply that they have no choice." Sun Tzŭ
+is slyly insinuating that, as soldiers are but human, it is for the
+general to see that temptations to shirk fighting and grow rich are not
+thrown in their way.]
+
+
+28. On the day they are ordered out to battle, your soldiers may weep,
+
+[The word in the Chinese is "snivel." This is taken to indicate more
+genuine grief than tears alone.]
+
+
+those sitting up bedewing their garments, and those lying down letting
+the tears run down their cheeks.
+
+[Not because they are afraid, but because, as Ts’ao Kung says, "all
+have embraced the firm resolution to do or die." We may remember that
+the heroes of the Iliad were equally childlike in showing their
+emotion. Chang Yu alludes to the mournful parting at the I River
+between Ching K’o and his friends, when the former was sent to attempt
+the life of the King of Ch’in (afterwards First Emperor) in 227 B.C.
+The tears of all flowed down like rain as he bade them farewell and
+uttered the following lines: "The shrill blast is blowing, Chilly the
+burn; Your champion is going—Not to return." [1] ]
+
+
+But let them once be brought to bay, and they will display the courage
+of a Chu or a Kuei.
+
+[Chu was the personal name of Chuan Chu, a native of the Wu State and
+contemporary with Sun Tzŭ himself, who was employed by Kung-tzu Kuang,
+better known as Ho Lu Wang, to assassinate his sovereign Wang Liao with
+a dagger which he secreted in the belly of a fish served up at a
+banquet. He succeeded in his attempt, but was immediately hacked to
+pieces by the king’s bodyguard. This was in 515 B.C. The other hero
+referred to, Ts’ao Kuei (or Ts’ao Mo), performed the exploit which has
+made his name famous 166 years earlier, in 681 B.C. Lu had been thrice
+defeated by Ch’i, and was just about to conclude a treaty surrendering
+a large slice of territory, when Ts’ao Kuei suddenly seized Huan Kung,
+the Duke of Ch’i, as he stood on the altar steps and held a dagger
+against his chest. None of the duke’s retainers dared to move a muscle,
+and Ts’ao Kuei proceeded to demand full restitution, declaring the Lu
+was being unjustly treated because she was a smaller and a weaker
+state. Huan Kung, in peril of his life, was obliged to consent,
+whereupon Ts’ao Kuei flung away his dagger and quietly resumed his
+place amid the terrified assemblage without having so much as changed
+color. As was to be expected, the Duke wanted afterwards to repudiate
+the bargain, but his wise old counselor Kuan Chung pointed out to him
+the impolicy of breaking his word, and the upshot was that this bold
+stroke regained for Lu the whole of what she had lost in three pitched
+battles.]
+
+
+29. The skilful tactician may be likened to the _shuai-jan_. Now the
+_shuai-jan_ is a snake that is found in the Ch‘ang mountains.
+
+["_Shuai-jan_" means "suddenly" or "rapidly," and the snake in question
+was doubtless so called owing to the rapidity of its movements. Through
+this passage, the term in the Chinese has now come to be used in the
+sense of "military manœuvers."]
+
+
+Strike at its head, and you will be attacked by its tail; strike at its
+tail, and you will be attacked by its head; strike at its middle, and
+you will be attacked by head and tail both.
+
+30. Asked if an army can be made to imitate the _shuai-jan_,
+
+[That is, as Mei Yao-ch’en says, "Is it possible to make the front and
+rear of an army each swiftly responsive to attack on the other, just as
+though they were part of a single living body?"]
+
+
+I should answer, Yes. For the men of Wu and the men of Yüeh are
+enemies;
+
+[Cf. VI. § 21.]
+
+
+yet if they are crossing a river in the same boat and are caught by a
+storm, they will come to each other’s assistance just as the left hand
+helps the right.
+
+[The meaning is: If two enemies will help each other in a time of
+common peril, how much more should two parts of the same army, bound
+together as they are by every tie of interest and fellow-feeling. Yet
+it is notorious that many a campaign has been ruined through lack of
+cooperation, especially in the case of allied armies.]
+
+
+31. Hence it is not enough to put one’s trust in the tethering of
+horses, and the burying of chariot wheels in the ground.
+
+[These quaint devices to prevent one’s army from running away recall
+the Athenian hero Sophanes, who carried the anchor with him at the
+battle of Plataea, by means of which he fastened himself firmly to one
+spot. [See Herodotus, IX. 74.] It is not enough, says Sun Tzŭ, to
+render flight impossible by such mechanical means. You will not succeed
+unless your men have tenacity and unity of purpose, and, above all, a
+spirit of sympathetic cooperation. This is the lesson which can be
+learned from the _shuai-jan_.]
+
+
+32. The principle on which to manage an army is to set up one standard
+of courage which all must reach.
+
+[Literally, "level the courage [of all] as though [it were that of]
+one." If the ideal army is to form a single organic whole, then it
+follows that the resolution and spirit of its component parts must be
+of the same quality, or at any rate must not fall below a certain
+standard. Wellington’s seemingly ungrateful description of his army at
+Waterloo as "the worst he had ever commanded" meant no more than that
+it was deficient in this important particular—unity of spirit and
+courage. Had he not foreseen the Belgian defections and carefully kept
+those troops in the background, he would almost certainly have lost the
+day.]
+
+
+33. How to make the best of both strong and weak—that is a question
+involving the proper use of ground.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en’s paraphrase is: "The way to eliminate the differences
+of strong and weak and to make both serviceable is to utilize
+accidental features of the ground." Less reliable troops, if posted in
+strong positions, will hold out as long as better troops on more
+exposed terrain. The advantage of position neutralizes the inferiority
+in stamina and courage. Col. Henderson says: "With all respect to the
+text books, and to the ordinary tactical teaching, I am inclined to
+think that the study of ground is often overlooked, and that by no
+means sufficient importance is attached to the selection of positions…
+and to the immense advantages that are to be derived, whether you are
+defending or attacking, from the proper utilization of natural
+features." [2] ]
+
+
+34. Thus the skilful general conducts his army just as though he were
+leading a single man, willy-nilly, by the hand.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "The simile has reference to the ease with which he does
+it."]
+
+
+35. It is the business of a general to be quiet and thus ensure
+secrecy; upright and just, and thus maintain order.
+
+36. He must be able to mystify his officers and men by false reports
+and appearances,
+
+[Literally, "to deceive their eyes and ears."]
+
+
+and thus keep them in total ignorance.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung gives us one of his excellent apophthegms: "The troops must
+not be allowed to share your schemes in the beginning; they may only
+rejoice with you over their happy outcome." "To mystify, mislead, and
+surprise the enemy," is one of the first principles in war, as had been
+frequently pointed out. But how about the other process—the
+mystification of one’s own men? Those who may think that Sun Tzŭ is
+over-emphatic on this point would do well to read Col. Henderson’s
+remarks on Stonewall Jackson’s Valley campaign: "The infinite pains,"
+he says, "with which Jackson sought to conceal, even from his most
+trusted staff officers, his movements, his intentions, and his
+thoughts, a commander less thorough would have pronounced useless"—etc.
+etc. [3] In the year 88 A.D., as we read in ch. 47 of the _Hou Han
+Shu_, "Pan Ch’ao took the field with 25,000 men from Khotan and other
+Central Asian states with the object of crushing Yarkand. The King of
+Kutcha replied by dispatching his chief commander to succour the place
+with an army drawn from the kingdoms of Wen-su, Ku-mo, and Wei-t’ou,
+totaling 50,000 men. Pan Ch’ao summoned his officers and also the King
+of Khotan to a council of war, and said: ‘Our forces are now
+outnumbered and unable to make head against the enemy. The best plan,
+then, is for us to separate and disperse, each in a different
+direction. The King of Khotan will march away by the easterly route,
+and I will then return myself towards the west. Let us wait until the
+evening drum has sounded and then start.’ Pan Ch’ao now secretly
+released the prisoners whom he had taken alive, and the King of Kutcha
+was thus informed of his plans. Much elated by the news, the latter set
+off at once at the head of 10,000 horsemen to bar Pan Ch’ao’s retreat
+in the west, while the King of Wen-su rode eastward with 8000 horse in
+order to intercept the King of Khotan. As soon as Pan Ch’ao knew that
+the two chieftains had gone, he called his divisions together, got them
+well in hand, and at cock-crow hurled them against the army of Yarkand,
+as it lay encamped. The barbarians, panic-stricken, fled in confusion,
+and were closely pursued by Pan Ch’ao. Over 5000 heads were brought
+back as trophies, besides immense spoils in the shape of horses and
+cattle and valuables of every description. Yarkand then capitulating,
+Kutcha and the other kingdoms drew off their respective forces. From
+that time forward, Pan Ch’ao’s prestige completely overawed the
+countries of the west." In this case, we see that the Chinese general
+not only kept his own officers in ignorance of his real plans, but
+actually took the bold step of dividing his army in order to deceive
+the enemy.]
+
+
+37. By altering his arrangements and changing his plans,
+
+[Wang Hsi thinks that this means not using the same stratagem twice.]
+
+
+he keeps the enemy without definite knowledge.
+
+[Chang Yu, in a quotation from another work, says: "The axiom, that war
+is based on deception, does not apply only to deception of the enemy.
+You must deceive even your own soldiers. Make them follow you, but
+without letting them know why."]
+
+
+By shifting his camp and taking circuitous routes, he prevents the
+enemy from anticipating his purpose.
+
+38. At the critical moment, the leader of an army acts like one who has
+climbed up a height and then kicks away the ladder behind him. He
+carries his men deep into hostile territory before he shows his hand.
+
+[Literally, "releases the spring" (see V. § 15), that is, takes some
+decisive step which makes it impossible for the army to return—like
+Hsiang Yu, who sunk his ships after crossing a river. Ch’en Hao,
+followed by Chia Lin, understands the words less well as "puts forth
+every artifice at his command."]
+
+
+39. He burns his boats and breaks his cooking-pots; like a shepherd
+driving a flock of sheep, he drives his men this way and that, and
+none knows whither he is going.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "The army is only cognizant of orders to advance or
+retreat; it is ignorant of the ulterior ends of attacking and
+conquering."]
+
+
+40. To muster his host and bring it into danger:—this may be termed the
+business of the general.
+
+[Sun Tzŭ means that after mobilization there should be no delay in
+aiming a blow at the enemy’s heart. Note how he returns again and again
+to this point. Among the warring states of ancient China, desertion was
+no doubt a much more present fear and serious evil than it is in the
+armies of today.]
+
+
+41. The different measures suited to the nine varieties of ground;
+
+[Chang Yu says: "One must not be hide-bound in interpreting the rules
+for the nine varieties of ground."]
+
+
+the expediency of aggressive or defensive tactics; and the fundamental
+laws of human nature: these are things that must most certainly be
+studied.
+
+42. When invading hostile territory, the general principle is, that
+penetrating deeply brings cohesion; penetrating but a short way means
+dispersion.
+
+[Cf. _supra_, § 20.]
+
+
+43. When you leave your own country behind, and take your army across
+neighbourhood territory, you find yourself on critical ground.
+
+[This "ground" is curiously mentioned in VIII. § 2, but it does not
+figure among the Nine Situations or the Six Calamities in chap. X.
+One’s first impulse would be to translate it distant ground," but this,
+if we can trust the commentators, is precisely what is not meant here.
+Mei Yao-ch’en says it is "a position not far enough advanced to be
+called ‘facile,’ and not near enough to home to be ‘dispersive,’ but
+something between the two." Wang Hsi says: "It is ground separated from
+home by an interjacent state, whose territory we have had to cross in
+order to reach it. Hence, it is incumbent on us to settle our business
+there quickly." He adds that this position is of rare occurrence, which
+is the reason why it is not included among the Nine Situations.]
+
+
+When there are means of communication on all four sides, the ground is
+one of intersecting highways.
+
+44. When you penetrate deeply into a country, it is serious ground.
+When you penetrate but a little way, it is facile ground.
+
+45. When you have the enemy’s strongholds on your rear, and narrow
+passes in front, it is hemmed-in ground. When there is no place of
+refuge at all, it is desperate ground.
+
+46. Therefore, on dispersive ground, I would inspire my men with unity
+of purpose.
+
+[This end, according to Tu Mu, is best attained by remaining on the
+defensive, and avoiding battle. Cf. _supra_, § 11.]
+
+
+On facile ground, I would see that there is close connection between
+all parts of my army.
+
+[As Tu Mu says, the object is to guard against two possible
+contingencies: "(1) the desertion of our own troops; (2) a sudden
+attack on the part of the enemy." Cf. VII. § 17. Mei Yao-ch’en says:
+"On the march, the regiments should be in close touch; in an
+encampment, there should be continuity between the fortifications."]
+
+
+47. On contentious ground, I would hurry up my rear.
+
+[This is Ts’ao Kung’s interpretation. Chang Yu adopts it, saying: "We
+must quickly bring up our rear, so that head and tail may both reach
+the goal." That is, they must not be allowed to straggle up a long way
+apart. Mei Yao-ch’en offers another equally plausible explanation:
+"Supposing the enemy has not yet reached the coveted position, and we
+are behind him, we should advance with all speed in order to dispute
+its possession." Ch’en Hao, on the other hand, assuming that the enemy
+has had time to select his own ground, quotes VI. § 1, where Sun Tzŭ
+warns us against coming exhausted to the attack. His own idea of the
+situation is rather vaguely expressed: "If there is a favourable
+position lying in front of you, detach a picked body of troops to
+occupy it, then if the enemy, relying on their numbers, come up to make
+a fight for it, you may fall quickly on their rear with your main body,
+and victory will be assured." It was thus, he adds, that Chao She beat
+the army of Ch’in. (See p. 57.)]
+
+
+48. On open ground, I would keep a vigilant eye on my defences. On
+ground of intersecting highways, I would consolidate my alliances.
+
+49. On serious ground, I would try to ensure a continuous stream of
+supplies.
+
+[The commentators take this as referring to forage and plunder, not, as
+one might expect, to an unbroken communication with a home base.]
+
+
+On difficult ground, I would keep pushing on along the road.
+
+50. On hemmed-in ground, I would block any way of retreat.
+
+[Meng Shih says: "To make it seem that I meant to defend the position,
+whereas my real intention is to burst suddenly through the enemy’s
+lines." Mei Yao-ch’en says: "in order to make my soldiers fight with
+desperation." Wang Hsi says, "fearing lest my men be tempted to run
+away." Tu Mu points out that this is the converse of VII. § 36, where
+it is the enemy who is surrounded. In 532 A.D., Kao Huan, afterwards
+Emperor and canonized as Shen-wu, was surrounded by a great army under
+Erh-chu Chao and others. His own force was comparatively small,
+consisting only of 2000 horse and something under 30,000 foot. The
+lines of investment had not been drawn very closely together, gaps
+being left at certain points. But Kao Huan, instead of trying to
+escape, actually made a shift to block all the remaining outlets
+himself by driving into them a number of oxen and donkeys roped
+together. As soon as his officers and men saw that there was nothing
+for it but to conquer or die, their spirits rose to an extraordinary
+pitch of exaltation, and they charged with such desperate ferocity that
+the opposing ranks broke and crumbled under their onslaught.]
+
+
+On desperate ground, I would proclaim to my soldiers the hopelessness
+of saving their lives.
+
+Tu Yu says: "Burn your baggage and impedimenta, throw away your stores
+and provisions, choke up the wells, destroy your cooking-stoves, and
+make it plain to your men that they cannot survive, but must fight to
+the death." Mei Yao-ch’en says: "The only chance of life lies in giving
+up all hope of it." This concludes what Sun Tzŭ has to say about
+"grounds" and the "variations" corresponding to them. Reviewing the
+passages which bear on this important subject, we cannot fail to be
+struck by the desultory and unmethodical fashion in which it is
+treated. Sun Tzŭ begins abruptly in VIII. § 2 to enumerate "variations"
+before touching on "grounds" at all, but only mentions five, namely
+nos. 7, 5, 8 and 9 of the subsequent list, and one that is not included
+in it. A few varieties of ground are dealt with in the earlier portion
+of chap. IX, and then chap. X sets forth six new grounds, with six
+variations of plan to match. None of these is mentioned again, though
+the first is hardly to be distinguished from ground no. 4 in the next
+chapter. At last, in chap. XI, we come to the Nine Grounds par
+excellence, immediately followed by the variations. This takes us down
+to § 14. In §§ 43-45, fresh definitions are provided for nos. 5, 6, 2,
+8 and 9 (in the order given), as well as for the tenth ground noticed
+in chap. VIII; and finally, the nine variations are enumerated once
+more from beginning to end, all, with the exception of 5, 6 and 7,
+being different from those previously given. Though it is impossible to
+account for the present state of Sun Tzŭ’s text, a few suggestive facts
+maybe brought into prominence: (1) Chap. VIII, according to the title,
+should deal with nine variations, whereas only five appear. (2) It is
+an abnormally short chapter. (3) Chap. XI is entitled The Nine Grounds.
+Several of these are defined twice over, besides which there are two
+distinct lists of the corresponding variations. (4) The length of the
+chapter is disproportionate, being double that of any other except IX.
+I do not propose to draw any inferences from these facts, beyond the
+general conclusion that Sun Tzŭ’s work cannot have come down to us in
+the shape in which it left his hands: chap. VIII is obviously defective
+and probably out of place, while XI seems to contain matter that has
+either been added by a later hand or ought to appear elsewhere.]
+
+
+51. For it is the soldier’s disposition to offer an obstinate
+resistance when surrounded, to fight hard when he cannot help himself,
+and to obey promptly when he has fallen into danger.
+
+[Chang Yu alludes to the conduct of Pan Ch’ao’s devoted followers in 73
+A.D. The story runs thus in the _Hou Han Shu_, ch. 47: "When Pan Ch’ao
+arrived at Shan-shan, Kuang, the King of the country, received him at
+first with great politeness and respect; but shortly afterwards his
+behavior underwent a sudden change, and he became remiss and negligent.
+Pan Ch’ao spoke about this to the officers of his suite: ‘Have you
+noticed,’ he said, ‘that Kuang’s polite intentions are on the wane?
+This must signify that envoys have come from the Northern barbarians,
+and that consequently he is in a state of indecision, not knowing with
+which side to throw in his lot. That surely is the reason. The truly
+wise man, we are told, can perceive things before they have come to
+pass; how much more, then, those that are already manifest!’ Thereupon
+he called one of the natives who had been assigned to his service, and
+set a trap for him, saying: ‘Where are those envoys from the Hsiung-nu
+who arrived some day ago?’ The man was so taken aback that between
+surprise and fear he presently blurted out the whole truth. Pan Ch’ao,
+keeping his informant carefully under lock and key, then summoned a
+general gathering of his officers, thirty-six in all, and began
+drinking with them. When the wine had mounted into their heads a
+little, he tried to rouse their spirit still further by addressing them
+thus: ‘Gentlemen, here we are in the heart of an isolated region,
+anxious to achieve riches and honour by some great exploit. Now it
+happens that an ambassador from the Hsiung-no arrived in this kingdom
+only a few days ago, and the result is that the respectful courtesy
+extended towards us by our royal host has disappeared. Should this
+envoy prevail upon him to seize our party and hand us over to the
+Hsiung-no, our bones will become food for the wolves of the desert.
+What are we to do?’ With one accord, the officers replied: ‘Standing as
+we do in peril of our lives, we will follow our commander through life
+and death.’ For the sequel of this adventure, see chap. XII. § 1,
+note.]
+
+
+52. We cannot enter into alliance with neighbouring princes until we are
+acquainted with their designs. We are not fit to lead an army on the
+march unless we are familiar with the face of the country—its mountains
+and forests, its pitfalls and precipices, its marshes and swamps. We
+shall be unable to turn natural advantages to account unless we make
+use of local guides.
+
+[These three sentences are repeated from VII. §§ 12-14—in order to
+emphasize their importance, the commentators seem to think. I prefer to
+regard them as interpolated here in order to form an antecedent to the
+following words. With regard to local guides, Sun Tzŭ might have added
+that there is always the risk of going wrong, either through their
+treachery or some misunderstanding such as Livy records (XXII. 13):
+Hannibal, we are told, ordered a guide to lead him into the
+neighbourhood of Casinum, where there was an important pass to be
+occupied; but his Carthaginian accent, unsuited to the pronunciation of
+Latin names, caused the guide to understand Casilinum instead of
+Casinum, and turning from his proper route, he took the army in that
+direction, the mistake not being discovered until they had almost
+arrived.]
+
+
+53. To be ignorant of any one of the following four or five principles
+does not befit a warlike prince.
+
+54. When a warlike prince attacks a powerful state, his generalship
+shows itself in preventing the concentration of the enemy’s forces. He
+overawes his opponents, and their allies are prevented from joining
+against him.
+
+[Mei Tao-ch’en constructs one of the chains of reasoning that are so
+much affected by the Chinese: "In attacking a powerful state, if you
+can divide her forces, you will have a superiority in strength; if you
+have a superiority in strength, you will overawe the enemy; if you
+overawe the enemy, the neighbouring states will be frightened; and if
+the neighbouring states are frightened, the enemy’s allies will be
+prevented from joining her." The following gives a stronger meaning:
+"If the great state has once been defeated (before she has had time to
+summon her allies), then the lesser states will hold aloof and refrain
+from massing their forces." Ch’en Hao and Chang Yu take the sentence in
+quite another way. The former says: "Powerful though a prince may be,
+if he attacks a large state, he will be unable to raise enough troops,
+and must rely to some extent on external aid; if he dispenses with
+this, and with overweening confidence in his own strength, simply tries
+to intimidate the enemy, he will surely be defeated." Chang Yu puts his
+view thus: "If we recklessly attack a large state, our own people will
+be discontented and hang back. But if (as will then be the case) our
+display of military force is inferior by half to that of the enemy, the
+other chieftains will take fright and refuse to join us."]
+
+
+55. Hence he does not strive to ally himself with all and sundry, nor
+does he foster the power of other states. He carries out his own secret
+designs, keeping his antagonists in awe.
+
+[The train of thought, as said by Li Ch’uan, appears to be this: Secure
+against a combination of his enemies, "he can afford to reject
+entangling alliances and simply pursue his own secret designs, his
+prestige enable him to dispense with external friendships."]
+
+
+Thus he is able to capture their cities and overthrow their kingdoms.
+
+[This paragraph, though written many years before the Ch’in State
+became a serious menace, is not a bad summary of the policy by which
+the famous Six Chancellors gradually paved the way for her final
+triumph under Shih Huang Ti. Chang Yu, following up his previous note,
+thinks that Sun Tzŭ is condemning this attitude of cold-blooded
+selfishness and haughty isolation.]
+
+
+56. Bestow rewards without regard to rule,
+
+[Wu Tzŭ (ch. 3) less wisely says: "Let advance be richly rewarded and
+retreat be heavily punished."]
+
+
+issue orders
+
+[Literally, "hang" or post up."]
+
+
+without regard to previous arrangements;
+
+["In order to prevent treachery," says Wang Hsi. The general meaning is
+made clear by Ts’ao Kung’s quotation from the _Ssu-ma Fa:_ "Give
+instructions only on sighting the enemy; give rewards when you see
+deserving deeds." Ts’ao Kung’s paraphrase: "The final instructions you
+give to your army should not correspond with those that have been
+previously posted up." Chang Yu simplifies this into "your arrangements
+should not be divulged beforehand." And Chia Lin says: "there should be
+no fixity in your rules and arrangements." Not only is there danger in
+letting your plans be known, but war often necessitates the entire
+reversal of them at the last moment.]
+
+
+and you will be able to handle a whole army as though you had to do
+with but a single man.
+
+[Cf. _supra_, § 34.]
+
+
+57. Confront your soldiers with the deed itself; never let them know
+your design.
+
+[Literally, "do not tell them words;" i.e. do not give your reasons for
+any order. Lord Mansfield once told a junior colleague to "give no
+reasons" for his decisions, and the maxim is even more applicable to a
+general than to a judge.]
+
+
+When the outlook is bright, bring it before their eyes; but tell them
+nothing when the situation is gloomy.
+
+58. Place your army in deadly peril, and it will survive; plunge it
+into desperate straits, and it will come off in safety.
+
+[These words of Sun Tzŭ were once quoted by Han Hsin in explanation of
+the tactics he employed in one of his most brilliant battles, already
+alluded to on p. 28. In 204 B.C., he was sent against the army of Chao,
+and halted ten miles from the mouth of the Ching-hsing pass, where the
+enemy had mustered in full force. Here, at midnight, he detached a body
+of 2000 light cavalry, every man of which was furnished with a red
+flag. Their instructions were to make their way through narrow defiles
+and keep a secret watch on the enemy. "When the men of Chao see me in
+full flight," Han Hsin said, "they will abandon their fortifications
+and give chase. This must be the sign for you to rush in, pluck down
+the Chao standards and set up the red banners of Han in their stead."
+Turning then to his other officers, he remarked: "Our adversary holds a
+strong position, and is not likely to come out and attack us until he
+sees the standard and drums of the commander-in-chief, for fear I
+should turn back and escape through the mountains." So saying, he first
+of all sent out a division consisting of 10,000 men, and ordered them
+to form in line of battle with their backs to the River Ti. Seeing this
+manœuver, the whole army of Chao broke into loud laughter. By this time
+it was broad daylight, and Han Hsin, displaying the generalissimo’s
+flag, marched out of the pass with drums beating, and was immediately
+engaged by the enemy. A great battle followed, lasting for some time;
+until at length Han Hsin and his colleague Chang Ni, leaving drums and
+banner on the field, fled to the division on the river bank, where
+another fierce battle was raging. The enemy rushed out to pursue them
+and to secure the trophies, thus denuding their ramparts of men; but
+the two generals succeeded in joining the other army, which was
+fighting with the utmost desperation. The time had now come for the
+2000 horsemen to play their part. As soon as they saw the men of Chao
+following up their advantage, they galloped behind the deserted walls,
+tore up the enemy’s flags and replaced them by those of Han. When the
+Chao army looked back from the pursuit, the sight of these red flags
+struck them with terror. Convinced that the Hans had got in and
+overpowered their king, they broke up in wild disorder, every effort of
+their leader to stay the panic being in vain. Then the Han army fell on
+them from both sides and completed the rout, killing a number and
+capturing the rest, amongst whom was King Ya himself…. After the
+battle, some of Han Hsin’s officers came to him and said: "In the _Art
+of War_ we are told to have a hill or tumulus on the right rear, and a
+river or marsh on the left front. [This appears to be a blend of Sun
+Tzŭ and T’ai Kung. See IX § 9, and note.] You, on the contrary, ordered
+us to draw up our troops with the river at our back. Under these
+conditions, how did you manage to gain the victory?" The general
+replied: "I fear you gentlemen have not studied the Art of War with
+sufficient care. Is it not written there: ‘Plunge your army into
+desperate straits and it will come off in safety; place it in deadly
+peril and it will survive’? Had I taken the usual course, I should
+never have been able to bring my colleague round. What says the
+Military Classic—‘Swoop down on the market-place and drive the men off
+to fight.’ [This passage does not occur in the present text of Sun
+Tzŭ.] If I had not placed my troops in a position where they were
+obliged to fight for their lives, but had allowed each man to follow
+his own discretion, there would have been a general _débandade_, and it
+would have been impossible to do anything with them." The officers
+admitted the force of his argument, and said: "These are higher tactics
+than we should have been capable of." [See _Ch’ien Han Shu_, ch. 34,
+ff. 4, 5.] ]
+
+
+59. For it is precisely when a force has fallen into harm’s way that is
+capable of striking a blow for victory.
+
+[Danger has a bracing effect.]
+
+
+60. Success in warfare is gained by carefully accommodating ourselves
+to the enemy’s purpose.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says: "Feign stupidity"—by an appearance of yielding and
+falling in with the enemy’s wishes. Chang Yu’s note makes the meaning
+clear: "If the enemy shows an inclination to advance, lure him on to do
+so; if he is anxious to retreat, delay on purpose that he may carry out
+his intention." The object is to make him remiss and contemptuous
+before we deliver our attack.]
+
+
+61. By persistently hanging on the enemy’s flank,
+
+[I understand the first four words to mean "accompanying the enemy in
+one direction." Ts’ao Kung says: "unite the soldiers and make for the
+enemy." But such a violent displacement of characters is quite
+indefensible.]
+
+
+we shall succeed in the long run
+
+[Literally, "after a thousand _li_."]
+
+
+in killing the commander-in-chief.
+
+[Always a great point with the Chinese.]
+
+
+62. This is called ability to accomplish a thing by sheer cunning.
+
+63. On the day that you take up your command, block the frontier
+passes, destroy the official tallies,
+
+[These were tablets of bamboo or wood, one half of which was issued as
+a permit or passport by the official in charge of a gate. Cf. the
+"border-warden" of _Lun Yu_ III. 24, who may have had similar duties.
+When this half was returned to him, within a fixed period, he was
+authorized to open the gate and let the traveler through.]
+
+
+and stop the passage of all emissaries.
+
+[Either to or from the enemy’s country.]
+
+
+64. Be stern in the council-chamber,
+
+[Show no weakness, and insist on your plans being ratified by the
+sovereign.]
+
+
+so that you may control the situation.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en understands the whole sentence to mean: Take the
+strictest precautions to ensure secrecy in your deliberations.]
+
+
+65. If the enemy leaves a door open, you must rush in.
+
+66. Forestall your opponent by seizing what he holds dear,
+
+[Cf. _supra_, § 18.]
+
+
+and subtly contrive to time his arrival on the ground.
+
+[Ch’en Hao’s explanation: "If I manage to seize a favourable position,
+but the enemy does not appear on the scene, the advantage thus obtained
+cannot be turned to any practical account. He who intends therefore, to
+occupy a position of importance to the enemy, must begin by making an
+artful appointment, so to speak, with his antagonist, and cajole him
+into going there as well." Mei Yao-ch’en explains that this "artful
+appointment" is to be made through the medium of the enemy’s own spies,
+who will carry back just the amount of information that we choose to
+give them. Then, having cunningly disclosed our intentions, "we must
+manage, though starting after the enemy, to arrive before him (VII. §
+4). We must start after him in order to ensure his marching thither; we
+must arrive before him in order to capture the place without trouble.
+Taken thus, the present passage lends some support to Mei Yao-ch’en’s
+interpretation of § 47.]
+
+
+67. Walk in the path defined by rule,
+
+[Chia Lin says: "Victory is the only thing that matters, and this
+cannot be achieved by adhering to conventional canons." It is
+unfortunate that this variant rests on very slight authority, for the
+sense yielded is certainly much more satisfactory. Napoleon, as we
+know, according to the veterans of the old school whom he defeated, won
+his battles by violating every accepted canon of warfare.]
+
+
+and accommodate yourself to the enemy until you can fight a decisive
+battle.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "Conform to the enemy’s tactics until a favourable
+opportunity offers; then come forth and engage in a battle that shall
+prove decisive."]
+
+
+68. At first, then, exhibit the coyness of a maiden, until the enemy
+gives you an opening; afterwards emulate the rapidity of a running
+hare, and it will be too late for the enemy to oppose you.
+
+[As the hare is noted for its extreme timidity, the comparison hardly
+appears felicitous. But of course Sun Tzŭ was thinking only of its
+speed. The words have been taken to mean: You must flee from the enemy
+as quickly as an escaping hare; but this is rightly rejected by Tu Mu.]
+
+
+[1] Giles’ Biographical Dictionary, no. 399.
+
+[2] "The Science of War," p. 333.
+
+[3] "Stonewall Jackson," vol. I, p. 421.
+
+
+
+Chapter XII. THE ATTACK BY FIRE
+
+[Rather more than half the chapter (§§ 1-13) is devoted to the subject
+of fire, after which the author branches off into other topics.]
+
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: There are five ways of attacking with fire. The first
+is to burn soldiers in their camp;
+
+[So Tu Mu. Li Ch’uan says: "Set fire to the camp, and kill the
+soldiers" (when they try to escape from the flames). Pan Ch’ao, sent on
+a diplomatic mission to the King of Shan-shan [see XI. § 51, note],
+found himself placed in extreme peril by the unexpected arrival of an
+envoy from the Hsiung-nu [the mortal enemies of the Chinese]. In
+consultation with his officers, he exclaimed: "Never venture, never
+win! [1] The only course open to us now is to make an assault by fire
+on the barbarians under cover of night, when they will not be able to
+discern our numbers. Profiting by their panic, we shall exterminate
+them completely; this will cool the King’s courage and cover us with
+glory, besides ensuring the success of our mission.’ The officers all
+replied that it would be necessary to discuss the matter first with the
+Intendant. Pan Ch’ao then fell into a passion: ‘It is today,’ he cried,
+‘that our fortunes must be decided! The Intendant is only a humdrum
+civilian, who on hearing of our project will certainly be afraid, and
+everything will be brought to light. An inglorious death is no worthy
+fate for valiant warriors.’ All then agreed to do as he wished.
+Accordingly, as soon as night came on, he and his little band quickly
+made their way to the barbarian camp. A strong gale was blowing at the
+time. Pan Ch’ao ordered ten of the party to take drums and hide behind
+the enemy’s barracks, it being arranged that when they saw flames shoot
+up, they should begin drumming and yelling with all their might. The
+rest of his men, armed with bows and crossbows, he posted in ambuscade
+at the gate of the camp. He then set fire to the place from the
+windward side, whereupon a deafening noise of drums and shouting arose
+on the front and rear of the Hsiung-nu, who rushed out pell-mell in
+frantic disorder. Pan Ch’ao slew three of them with his own hand, while
+his companions cut off the heads of the envoy and thirty of his suite.
+The remainder, more than a hundred in all, perished in the flames. On
+the following day, Pan Ch’ao, divining his thoughts, said with uplifted
+hand: ‘Although you did not go with us last night, I should not think,
+Sir, of taking sole credit for our exploit.’ This satisfied Kuo Hsun,
+and Pan Ch’ao, having sent for Kuang, King of Shan-shan, showed him the
+head of the barbarian envoy. The whole kingdom was seized with fear and
+trembling, which Pan Ch’ao took steps to allay by issuing a public
+proclamation. Then, taking the king’s sons as hostage, he returned to
+make his report to Tou Ku." _Hou Han Shu_, ch. 47, ff. 1, 2.] ]
+
+
+the second is to burn stores;
+
+[Tu Mu says: "Provisions, fuel and fodder." In order to subdue the
+rebellious population of Kiangnan, Kao Keng recommended Wen Ti of the
+Sui dynasty to make periodical raids and burn their stores of grain, a
+policy which in the long run proved entirely successful.]
+
+
+the third is to burn baggage-trains;
+
+[An example given is the destruction of Yuan Shao’s wagons and
+impedimenta by Ts’ao Ts’ao in 200 A.D.]
+
+
+the fourth is to burn arsenals and magazines;
+
+[Tu Mu says that the things contained in "arsenals" and "magazines" are
+the same. He specifies weapons and other implements, bullion and
+clothing. Cf. VII. § 11.]
+
+
+the fifth is to hurl dropping fire amongst the enemy.
+
+[Tu Yu says in the _T’ung Tien:_ "To drop fire into the enemy’s camp.
+The method by which this may be done is to set the tips of arrows
+alight by dipping them into a brazier, and then shoot them from
+powerful crossbows into the enemy’s lines."]
+
+
+2. In order to carry out an attack, we must have means available.
+
+[T’sao Kung thinks that "traitors in the enemy’s camp" are referred to.
+But Ch’en Hao is more likely to be right in saying: "We must have
+favourable circumstances in general, not merely traitors to help us."
+Chia Lin says: "We must avail ourselves of wind and dry weather."]
+
+
+the material for raising fire should always be kept in readiness.
+
+[Tu Mu suggests as material for making fire: "dry vegetable matter,
+reeds, brushwood, straw, grease, oil, etc." Here we have the material
+cause. Chang Yu says: "vessels for hoarding fire, stuff for lighting
+fires."]
+
+
+3. There is a proper season for making attacks with fire, and special
+days for starting a conflagration.
+
+4. The proper season is when the weather is very dry; the special days
+are those when the moon is in the constellations of the Sieve, the
+Wall, the Wing or the Cross-bar;
+
+[These are, respectively, the 7th, 14th, 27th, and 28th of the
+Twenty-eight Stellar Mansions, corresponding roughly to Sagittarius,
+Pegasus, Crater and Corvus.]
+
+
+for these four are all days of rising wind.
+
+5. In attacking with fire, one should be prepared to meet five possible
+developments:
+
+6. (1) When fire breaks out inside the enemy’s camp, respond at once
+with an attack from without.
+
+7. (2) If there is an outbreak of fire, but the enemy’s soldiers remain
+quiet, bide your time and do not attack.
+
+[The prime object of attacking with fire is to throw the enemy into
+confusion. If this effect is not produced, it means that the enemy is
+ready to receive us. Hence the necessity for caution.]
+
+
+8. (3) When the force of the flames has reached its height, follow it
+up with an attack, if that is practicable; if not, stay where you are.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung says: "If you see a possible way, advance; but if you find
+the difficulties too great, retire."]
+
+
+9. (4) If it is possible to make an assault with fire from without, do
+not wait for it to break out within, but deliver your attack at a
+favourable moment.
+
+[Tu Mu says that the previous paragraphs had reference to the fire
+breaking out (either accidentally, we may suppose, or by the agency of
+incendiaries) inside the enemy’s camp. "But," he continues, "if the
+enemy is settled in a waste place littered with quantities of grass, or
+if he has pitched his camp in a position which can be burnt out, we
+must carry our fire against him at any seasonable opportunity, and not
+await on in hopes of an outbreak occurring within, for fear our
+opponents should themselves burn up the surrounding vegetation, and
+thus render our own attempts fruitless." The famous Li Ling once
+baffled the leader of the Hsiung-nu in this way. The latter, taking
+advantage of a favourable wind, tried to set fire to the Chinese
+general’s camp, but found that every scrap of combustible vegetation in
+the neighbourhood had already been burnt down. On the other hand,
+Po-ts’ai, a general of the Yellow Turban rebels, was badly defeated in
+184 A.D. through his neglect of this simple precaution. "At the head of
+a large army he was besieging Ch’ang-she, which was held by Huang-fu
+Sung. The garrison was very small, and a general feeling of nervousness
+pervaded the ranks; so Huang-fu Sung called his officers together and
+said: "In war, there are various indirect methods of attack, and
+numbers do not count for everything. [The commentator here quotes Sun
+Tzŭ, V. §§ 5, 6 and 10.] Now the rebels have pitched their camp in the
+midst of thick grass which will easily burn when the wind blows. If we
+set fire to it at night, they will be thrown into a panic, and we can
+make a sortie and attack them on all sides at once, thus emulating the
+achievement of T’ien Tan.’ [See p. 90.] That same evening, a strong
+breeze sprang up; so Huang-fu Sung instructed his soldiers to bind
+reeds together into torches and mount guard on the city walls, after
+which he sent out a band of daring men, who stealthily made their way
+through the lines and started the fire with loud shouts and yells.
+Simultaneously, a glare of light shot up from the city walls, and
+Huang-fu Sung, sounding his drums, led a rapid charge, which threw the
+rebels into confusion and put them to headlong flight." [_Hou Han Shu_,
+ch. 71.]
+]
+]
+]
+]
+]
+10. (5) When you start a fire, be to windward of it. Do not attack from
+the leeward.
+
+[Chang Yu, following Tu Yu, says: "When you make a fire, the enemy will
+retreat away from it; if you oppose his retreat and attack him then, he
+will fight desperately, which will not conduce to your success." A
+rather more obvious explanation is given by Tu Mu: "If the wind is in
+the east, begin burning to the east of the enemy, and follow up the
+attack yourself from that side. If you start the fire on the east side,
+and then attack from the west, you will suffer in the same way as your
+enemy."]
+
+
+11. A wind that rises in the daytime lasts long, but a night breeze
+soon falls.
+
+[Cf. Lao Tzŭ’s saying: "A violent wind does not last the space of a
+morning." (_Tao Te Ching_, chap. 23.) Mei Yao-ch’en and Wang Hsi say:
+"A day breeze dies down at nightfall, and a night breeze at daybreak.
+This is what happens as a general rule." The phenomenon observed may be
+correct enough, but how this sense is to be obtained is not apparent.]
+
+
+12. In every army, the five developments connected with fire must be
+known, the movements of the stars calculated, and a watch kept for the
+proper days.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "We must make calculations as to the paths of the stars,
+and watch for the days on which wind will rise, before making our
+attack with fire." Chang Yu seems to interpret the text differently:
+"We must not only know how to assail our opponents with fire, but also
+be on our guard against similar attacks from them."]
+
+
+13. Hence those who use fire as an aid to the attack show intelligence;
+those who use water as an aid to the attack gain an accession of
+strength.
+
+14. By means of water, an enemy may be intercepted, but not robbed of
+all his belongings.
+
+[Ts’ao Kung’s note is: "We can merely obstruct the enemy’s road or
+divide his army, but not sweep away all his accumulated stores." Water
+can do useful service, but it lacks the terrible destructive power of
+fire. This is the reason, Chang Yu concludes, why the former is
+dismissed in a couple of sentences, whereas the attack by fire is
+discussed in detail. Wu Tzŭ (ch. 4) speaks thus of the two elements:
+"If an army is encamped on low-lying marshy ground, from which the
+water cannot run off, and where the rainfall is heavy, it may be
+submerged by a flood. If an army is encamped in wild marsh lands
+thickly overgrown with weeds and brambles, and visited by frequent
+gales, it may be exterminated by fire."]
+
+
+15. Unhappy is the fate of one who tries to win his battles and succeed
+in his attacks without cultivating the spirit of enterprise; for the
+result is waste of time and general stagnation.
+
+[This is one of the most perplexing passages in Sun Tzŭ. Ts’ao Kung
+says: "Rewards for good service should not be deferred a single day."
+And Tu Mu: "If you do not take opportunity to advance and reward the
+deserving, your subordinates will not carry out your commands, and
+disaster will ensue." For several reasons, however, and in spite of the
+formidable array of scholars on the other side, I prefer the
+interpretation suggested by Mei Yao-ch’en alone, whose words I will
+quote: "Those who want to make sure of succeeding in their battles and
+assaults must seize the favourable moments when they come and not shrink
+on occasion from heroic measures: that is to say, they must resort to
+such means of attack of fire, water and the like. What they must not
+do, and what will prove fatal, is to sit still and simply hold to the
+advantages they have got."]
+
+
+16. Hence the saying: The enlightened ruler lays his plans well ahead;
+the good general cultivates his resources.
+
+[Tu Mu quotes the following from the _San Lueh_, ch. 2: "The warlike
+prince controls his soldiers by his authority, kits them together by
+good faith, and by rewards makes them serviceable. If faith decays,
+there will be disruption; if rewards are deficient, commands will not
+be respected."]
+
+
+17. Move not unless you see an advantage; use not your troops unless
+there is something to be gained; fight not unless the position is
+critical.
+
+[Sun Tzŭ may at times appear to be over-cautious, but he never goes so
+far in that direction as the remarkable passage in the _Tao Te Ching_,
+ch. 69. "I dare not take the initiative, but prefer to act on the
+defensive; I dare not advance an inch, but prefer to retreat a foot."]
+
+
+18. No ruler should put troops into the field merely to gratify his own
+spleen; no general should fight a battle simply out of pique.
+
+19. If it is to your advantage, make a forward move; if not, stay where
+you are.
+
+[This is repeated from XI. § 17. Here I feel convinced that it is an
+interpolation, for it is evident that § 20 ought to follow immediately
+on § 18.]
+
+
+20. Anger may in time change to gladness; vexation may be succeeded by
+content.
+
+21. But a kingdom that has once been destroyed can never come again
+into being;
+
+[The Wu State was destined to be a melancholy example of this saying.]
+
+
+nor can the dead ever be brought back to life.
+
+22. Hence the enlightened ruler is heedful, and the good general full
+of caution. This is the way to keep a country at peace and an army
+intact.
+
+[1] "Unless you enter the tiger’s lair, you cannot get hold of the
+tiger’s cubs."
+
+
+
+Chapter XIII. THE USE OF SPIES
+
+1. Sun Tzŭ said: Raising a host of a hundred thousand men and marching
+them great distances entails heavy loss on the people and a drain on
+the resources of the State. The daily expenditure will amount to a
+thousand ounces of silver.
+
+[Cf. II. §§ 1, 13, 14.]
+
+
+There will be commotion at home and abroad, and men will drop down
+exhausted on the highways.
+
+[Cf. _Tao Te Ching_, ch. 30: "Where troops have been quartered,
+brambles and thorns spring up. Chang Yu has the note: "We may be
+reminded of the saying: ‘On serious ground, gather in plunder.’ Why
+then should carriage and transportation cause exhaustion on the
+highways?—The answer is, that not victuals alone, but all sorts of
+munitions of war have to be conveyed to the army. Besides, the
+injunction to ‘forage on the enemy’ only means that when an army is
+deeply engaged in hostile territory, scarcity of food must be provided
+against. Hence, without being solely dependent on the enemy for corn,
+we must forage in order that there may be an uninterrupted flow of
+supplies. Then, again, there are places like salt deserts where
+provisions being unobtainable, supplies from home cannot be dispensed
+with."]
+
+
+As many as seven hundred thousand families will be impeded in their
+labor.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en says: "Men will be lacking at the plough-tail." The
+allusion is to the system of dividing land into nine parts, each
+consisting of about 15 acres, the plot in the center being cultivated
+on behalf of the State by the tenants of the other eight. It was here
+also, so Tu Mu tells us, that their cottages were built and a well
+sunk, to be used by all in common. [See II. § 12, note.] In time of
+war, one of the families had to serve in the army, while the other
+seven contributed to its support. Thus, by a levy of 100,000 men
+(reckoning one able-bodied soldier to each family) the husbandry of
+700,000 families would be affected.]
+
+
+2. Hostile armies may face each other for years, striving for the
+victory which is decided in a single day. This being so, to remain in
+ignorance of the enemy’s condition simply because one grudges the
+outlay of a hundred ounces of silver in honours and emoluments,
+
+["For spies" is of course the meaning, though it would spoil the effect
+of this curiously elaborate exordium if spies were actually mentioned
+at this point.]
+
+
+is the height of inhumanity.
+
+[Sun Tzŭ’s agreement is certainly ingenious. He begins by adverting to
+the frightful misery and vast expenditure of blood and treasure which
+war always brings in its train. Now, unless you are kept informed of
+the enemy’s condition, and are ready to strike at the right moment, a
+war may drag on for years. The only way to get this information is to
+employ spies, and it is impossible to obtain trustworthy spies unless
+they are properly paid for their services. But it is surely false
+economy to grudge a comparatively trifling amount for this purpose,
+when every day that the war lasts eats up an incalculably greater sum.
+This grievous burden falls on the shoulders of the poor, and hence Sun
+Tzŭ concludes that to neglect the use of spies is nothing less than a
+crime against humanity.]
+
+
+3. One who acts thus is no leader of men, no present help to his
+sovereign, no master of victory.
+
+[This idea, that the true object of war is peace, has its root in the
+national temperament of the Chinese. Even so far back as 597 B.C.,
+these memorable words were uttered by Prince Chuang of the Ch’u State:
+"The [Chinese] character for ‘prowess’ is made up of [the characters
+for] ‘to stay’ and ‘a spear’ (cessation of hostilities). Military
+prowess is seen in the repression of cruelty, the calling in of
+weapons, the preservation of the appointment of Heaven, the firm
+establishment of merit, the bestowal of happiness on the people,
+putting harmony between the princes, the diffusion of wealth."]
+
+
+4. Thus, what enables the wise sovereign and the good general to strike
+and conquer, and achieve things beyond the reach of ordinary men, is
+_foreknowledge_.
+
+[That is, knowledge of the enemy’s dispositions, and what he means to
+do.]
+
+
+5. Now this foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits; it cannot be
+obtained inductively from experience,
+
+[Tu Mu’s note is: "[knowledge of the enemy] cannot be gained by
+reasoning from other analogous cases."]
+
+
+nor by any deductive calculation.
+
+[Li Ch’uan says: "Quantities like length, breadth, distance and
+magnitude, are susceptible of exact mathematical determination; human
+actions cannot be so calculated."]
+
+
+6. Knowledge of the enemy’s dispositions can only be obtained from
+other men.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en has rather an interesting note: "Knowledge of the
+spirit-world is to be obtained by divination; information in natural
+science may be sought by inductive reasoning; the laws of the universe
+can be verified by mathematical calculation: but the dispositions of an
+enemy are ascertainable through spies and spies alone."]
+
+
+7. Hence the use of spies, of whom there are five classes: (1) Local
+spies; (2) inward spies; (3) converted spies; (4) doomed spies; (5)
+surviving spies.
+
+8. When these five kinds of spy are all at work, none can discover the
+secret system. This is called "divine manipulation of the threads." It
+is the sovereign’s most precious faculty.
+
+[Cromwell, one of the greatest and most practical of all cavalry
+leaders, had officers styled ‘scout masters,’ whose business it was to
+collect all possible information regarding the enemy, through scouts
+and spies, etc., and much of his success in war was traceable to the
+previous knowledge of the enemy’s moves thus gained." [1] ]
+
+
+9. Having _local spies_ means employing the services of the inhabitants
+of a district.
+
+[Tu Mu says: "In the enemy’s country, win people over by kind
+treatment, and use them as spies."]
+
+
+10. Having _inward spies_, making use of officials of the enemy.
+
+[Tu Mu enumerates the following classes as likely to do good service in
+this respect: "Worthy men who have been degraded from office, criminals
+who have undergone punishment; also, favourite concubines who are greedy
+for gold, men who are aggrieved at being in subordinate positions, or
+who have been passed over in the distribution of posts, others who are
+anxious that their side should be defeated in order that they may have
+a chance of displaying their ability and talents, fickle turncoats who
+always want to have a foot in each boat. Officials of these several
+kinds," he continues, "should be secretly approached and bound to one’s
+interests by means of rich presents. In this way you will be able to
+find out the state of affairs in the enemy’s country, ascertain the
+plans that are being formed against you, and moreover disturb the
+harmony and create a breach between the sovereign and his ministers."
+The necessity for extreme caution, however, in dealing with "inward
+spies," appears from an historical incident related by Ho Shih: "Lo
+Shang, Governor of I-Chou, sent his general Wei Po to attack the rebel
+Li Hsiung of Shu in his stronghold at P’i. After each side had
+experienced a number of victories and defeats, Li Hsiung had recourse
+to the services of a certain P’o-t’ai, a native of Wu-tu. He began to
+have him whipped until the blood came, and then sent him off to Lo
+Shang, whom he was to delude by offering to cooperate with him from
+inside the city, and to give a fire signal at the right moment for
+making a general assault. Lo Shang, confiding in these promises, march
+out all his best troops, and placed Wei Po and others at their head
+with orders to attack at P’o-t’ai’s bidding. Meanwhile, Li Hsiung’s
+general, Li Hsiang, had prepared an ambuscade on their line of march;
+and P’o-t’ai, having reared long scaling-ladders against the city
+walls, now lighted the beacon-fire. Wei Po’s men raced up on seeing the
+signal and began climbing the ladders as fast as they could, while
+others were drawn up by ropes lowered from above. More than a hundred
+of Lo Shang’s soldiers entered the city in this way, every one of whom
+was forthwith beheaded. Li Hsiung then charged with all his forces,
+both inside and outside the city, and routed the enemy completely."
+[This happened in 303 A.D. I do not know where Ho Shih got the story
+from. It is not given in the biography of Li Hsiung or that of his
+father Li T’e, _Chin Shu_, ch. 120, 121.]
+
+
+11. Having _converted spies_, getting hold of the enemy’s spies and
+using them for our own purposes.
+
+[By means of heavy bribes and liberal promises detaching them from the
+enemy’s service, and inducing them to carry back false information as
+well as to spy in turn on their own countrymen. On the other hand,
+Hsiao Shih-hsien says that we pretend not to have detected him, but
+contrive to let him carry away a false impression of what is going on.
+Several of the commentators accept this as an alternative definition;
+but that it is not what Sun Tzŭ meant is conclusively proved by his
+subsequent remarks about treating the converted spy generously (§ 21
+sqq.). Ho Shih notes three occasions on which converted spies were used
+with conspicuous success: (1) by T’ien Tan in his defence of Chi-mo
+(see _supra_, p. 90); (2) by Chao She on his march to O-yu (see p. 57);
+and by the wily Fan Chu in 260 B.C., when Lien P’o was conducting a
+defensive campaign against Ch’in. The King of Chao strongly disapproved
+of Lien P’o’s cautious and dilatory methods, which had been unable to
+avert a series of minor disasters, and therefore lent a ready ear to
+the reports of his spies, who had secretly gone over to the enemy and
+were already in Fan Chu’s pay. They said: "The only thing which causes
+Ch’in anxiety is lest Chao Kua should be made general. Lien P’o they
+consider an easy opponent, who is sure to be vanquished in the long
+run." Now this Chao Kua was a son of the famous Chao She. From his
+boyhood, he had been wholly engrossed in the study of war and military
+matters, until at last he came to believe that there was no commander
+in the whole Empire who could stand against him. His father was much
+disquieted by this overweening conceit, and the flippancy with which he
+spoke of such a serious thing as war, and solemnly declared that if
+ever Kua was appointed general, he would bring ruin on the armies of
+Chao. This was the man who, in spite of earnest protests from his own
+mother and the veteran statesman Lin Hsiang-ju, was now sent to succeed
+Lien P’o. Needless to say, he proved no match for the redoubtable Po
+Ch’i and the great military power of Ch’in. He fell into a trap by
+which his army was divided into two and his communications cut; and
+after a desperate resistance lasting 46 days, during which the famished
+soldiers devoured one another, he was himself killed by an arrow, and
+his whole force, amounting, it is said, to 400,000 men, ruthlessly put
+to the sword.]
+
+
+12. Having _doomed spies_, doing certain things openly for purposes of
+deception, and allowing our own spies to know of them and report them
+to the enemy.
+
+[Tu Yu gives the best exposition of the meaning: "We ostentatiously do
+things calculated to deceive our own spies, who must be led to believe
+that they have been unwittingly disclosed. Then, when these spies are
+captured in the enemy’s lines, they will make an entirely false report,
+and the enemy will take measures accordingly, only to find that we do
+something quite different. The spies will thereupon be put to death."
+As an example of doomed spies, Ho Shih mentions the prisoners released
+by Pan Ch’ao in his campaign against Yarkand. (See p. 132.) He also
+refers to T’ang Chien, who in 630 A.D. was sent by T’ai Tsung to lull
+the Turkish Kahn Chieh-li into fancied security, until Li Ching was
+able to deliver a crushing blow against him. Chang Yu says that the
+Turks revenged themselves by killing T’ang Chien, but this is a
+mistake, for we read in both the old and the New T’ang History (ch. 58,
+fol. 2 and ch. 89, fol. 8 respectively) that he escaped and lived on
+until 656. Li I-chi played a somewhat similar part in 203 B.C., when
+sent by the King of Han to open peaceful negotiations with Ch’i. He has
+certainly more claim to be described a "doomed spy", for the king of
+Ch’i, being subsequently attacked without warning by Han Hsin, and
+infuriated by what he considered the treachery of Li I-chi, ordered the
+unfortunate envoy to be boiled alive.]
+
+
+13. _Surviving spies_, finally, are those who bring back news from the
+enemy’s camp.
+
+[This is the ordinary class of spies, properly so called, forming a
+regular part of the army. Tu Mu says: "Your surviving spy must be a man
+of keen intellect, though in outward appearance a fool; of shabby
+exterior, but with a will of iron. He must be active, robust, endowed
+with physical strength and courage; thoroughly accustomed to all sorts
+of dirty work, able to endure hunger and cold, and to put up with shame
+and ignominy." Ho Shih tells the following story of Ta’hsi Wu of the
+Sui dynasty: "When he was governor of Eastern Ch’in, Shen-wu of Ch’i
+made a hostile movement upon Sha-yuan. The Emperor T’ai Tsu [? Kao Tsu]
+sent Ta-hsi Wu to spy upon the enemy. He was accompanied by two other
+men. All three were on horseback and wore the enemy’s uniform. When it
+was dark, they dismounted a few hundred feet away from the enemy’s camp
+and stealthily crept up to listen, until they succeeded in catching the
+passwords used in the army. Then they got on their horses again and
+boldly passed through the camp under the guise of night-watchmen; and
+more than once, happening to come across a soldier who was committing
+some breach of discipline, they actually stopped to give the culprit a
+sound cudgeling! Thus they managed to return with the fullest possible
+information about the enemy’s dispositions, and received warm
+commendation from the Emperor, who in consequence of their report was
+able to inflict a severe defeat on his adversary."]
+
+
+14. Hence it is that with none in the whole army are more intimate
+relations to be maintained than with spies.
+
+[Tu Mu and Mei Yao-ch’en point out that the spy is privileged to enter
+even the general’s private sleeping-tent.]
+
+
+None should be more liberally rewarded. In no other business should
+greater secrecy be preserved.
+
+[Tu Mu gives a graphic touch: all communication with spies should be
+carried "mouth-to-ear." The following remarks on spies may be quoted
+from Turenne, who made perhaps larger use of them than any previous
+commander: "Spies are attached to those who give them most, he who pays
+them ill is never served. They should never be known to anybody; nor
+should they know one another. When they propose anything very material,
+secure their persons, or have in your possession their wives and
+children as hostages for their fidelity. Never communicate anything to
+them but what is absolutely necessary that they should know. [2] ]
+
+
+15. Spies cannot be usefully employed without a certain intuitive
+sagacity.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en says: "In order to use them, one must know fact from
+falsehood, and be able to discriminate between honesty and
+double-dealing." Wang Hsi in a different interpretation thinks more
+along the lines of "intuitive perception" and "practical intelligence."
+Tu Mu strangely refers these attributes to the spies themselves:
+"Before using spies we must assure ourselves as to their integrity of
+character and the extent of their experience and skill." But he
+continues: "A brazen face and a crafty disposition are more dangerous
+than mountains or rivers; it takes a man of genius to penetrate such."
+So that we are left in some doubt as to his real opinion on the
+passage."]
+
+
+16. They cannot be properly managed without benevolence and
+straightforwardness.
+
+[Chang Yu says: "When you have attracted them by substantial offers,
+you must treat them with absolute sincerity; then they will work for
+you with all their might."]
+
+
+17. Without subtle ingenuity of mind, one cannot make certain of the
+truth of their reports.
+
+[Mei Yao-ch’en says: "Be on your guard against the possibility of spies
+going over to the service of the enemy."]
+
+
+18. Be subtle! be subtle! and use your spies for every kind of
+business.
+
+[Cf. VI. § 9.]
+
+
+19. If a secret piece of news is divulged by a spy before the time is
+ripe, he must be put to death together with the man to whom the secret
+was told.
+
+[Word for word, the translation here is: "If spy matters are heard
+before [our plans] are carried out," etc. Sun Tzŭ’s main point in this
+passage is: Whereas you kill the spy himself "as a punishment for
+letting out the secret," the object of killing the other man is only,
+as Ch’en Hao puts it, "to stop his mouth" and prevent news leaking any
+further. If it had already been repeated to others, this object would
+not be gained. Either way, Sun Tzŭ lays himself open to the charge of
+inhumanity, though Tu Mu tries to defend him by saying that the man
+deserves to be put to death, for the spy would certainly not have told
+the secret unless the other had been at pains to worm it out of him."]
+
+
+20. Whether the object be to crush an army, to storm a city, or to
+assassinate an individual, it is always necessary to begin by finding
+out the names of the attendants, the aides-de- camp,
+
+[Literally "visitors", is equivalent, as Tu Yu says, to "those whose
+duty it is to keep the general supplied with information," which
+naturally necessitates frequent interviews with him.]
+
+
+the door-keepers and sentries of the general in command. Our spies must
+be commissioned to ascertain these.
+
+[As the first step, no doubt towards finding out if any of these
+important functionaries can be won over by bribery.]
+
+
+21. The enemy’s spies who have come to spy on us must be sought out,
+tempted with bribes, led away and comfortably housed. Thus they will
+become converted spies and available for our service.
+
+22. It is through the information brought by the converted spy that we
+are able to acquire and employ local and inward spies.
+
+[Tu Yu says: "through conversion of the enemy’s spies we learn the
+enemy’s condition." And Chang Yu says: "We must tempt the converted spy
+into our service, because it is he that knows which of the local
+inhabitants are greedy of gain, and which of the officials are open to
+corruption."]
+
+
+23. It is owing to his information, again, that we can cause the doomed
+spy to carry false tidings to the enemy.
+
+[Chang Yu says, "because the converted spy knows how the enemy can best
+be deceived."]
+
+
+24. Lastly, it is by his information that the surviving spy can be used
+on appointed occasions.
+
+25. The end and aim of spying in all its five varieties is knowledge of
+the enemy; and this knowledge can only be derived, in the first
+instance, from the converted spy.
+
+[As explained in §§ 22-24. He not only brings information himself, but
+makes it possible to use the other kinds of spy to advantage.]
+
+
+Hence it is essential that the converted spy be treated with the utmost
+liberality.
+
+26. Of old, the rise of the Yin dynasty
+
+[Sun Tzŭ means the Shang dynasty, founded in 1766 B.C. Its name was
+changed to Yin by P’an Keng in 1401.
+
+
+was due to I Chih
+
+[Better known as I Yin, the famous general and statesman who took part
+in Ch’eng T’ang’s campaign against Chieh Kuei.]
+
+
+who had served under the Hsia. Likewise, the rise of the Chou dynasty
+was due to Lü Ya
+
+[Lu Shang rose to high office under the tyrant Chou Hsin, whom he
+afterwards helped to overthrow. Popularly known as T’ai Kung, a title
+bestowed on him by Wen Wang, he is said to have composed a treatise on
+war, erroneously identified with the _Liu T’ao_.]
+
+
+who had served under the Yin.
+
+[There is less precision in the Chinese than I have thought it well to
+introduce into my translation, and the commentaries on the passage are
+by no means explicit. But, having regard to the context, we can hardly
+doubt that Sun Tzŭ is holding up I Chih and Lu Ya as illustrious
+examples of the converted spy, or something closely analogous. His
+suggestion is, that the Hsia and Yin dynasties were upset owing to the
+intimate knowledge of their weaknesses and shortcoming which these
+former ministers were able to impart to the other side. Mei Yao-ch’en
+appears to resent any such aspersion on these historic names: "I Yin
+and Lu Ya," he says, "were not rebels against the Government. Hsia
+could not employ the former, hence Yin employed him. Yin could not
+employ the latter, hence Hou employed him. Their great achievements
+were all for the good of the people." Ho Shih is also indignant: "How
+should two divinely inspired men such as I and Lu have acted as common
+spies? Sun Tzŭ’s mention of them simply means that the proper use of
+the five classes of spies is a matter which requires men of the highest
+mental caliber like I and Lu, whose wisdom and capacity qualified them
+for the task. The above words only emphasize this point." Ho Shih
+believes then that the two heroes are mentioned on account of their
+supposed skill in the use of spies. But this is very weak.]
+
+
+27. Hence it is only the enlightened ruler and the wise general who
+will use the highest intelligence of the army for purposes of spying
+and thereby they achieve great results.
+
+[Tu Mu closes with a note of warning: "Just as water, which carries a
+boat from bank to bank, may also be the means of sinking it, so
+reliance on spies, while production of great results, is oft-times the
+cause of utter destruction."]
+
+
+Spies are a most important element in war, because on them depends an
+army’s ability to move.
+
+[Chia Lin says that an army without spies is like a man with ears or
+eyes.]
+
+
+[1] "Aids to Scouting," p. 2.
+
+[2] "Marshal Turenne," p. 311.
+
+
+
+
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diff --git a/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml b/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml
index b4f829a..0674ff9 100644
--- a/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml
+++ b/wc-tool/wc-tool.iml
@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
 <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
-<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.version="1.0-SNAPSHOT" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
+<module external.linked.project.id="wc-tool" external.linked.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.root.project.path="$MODULE_DIR$" external.system.id="GRADLE" external.system.module.group="com.learning" external.system.module.version="1.0" type="JAVA_MODULE" version="4">
   <component name="NewModuleRootManager" inherit-compiler-output="true">
     <exclude-output />
     <content url="file://$MODULE_DIR$">

From 8722c963cf2a229af17ad0c10c88ed35f08b561f Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: GauravGuptaDeveloper <gauravit1996@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2023 09:45:38 +0530
Subject: [PATCH 4/5] Added Readme and Jar

---
 wc-tool/.gitignore      |   1 +
 wc-tool/readme.md       |  33 +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
 wc-tool/wc-tool-1.0.jar | Bin 0 -> 10653 bytes
 3 files changed, 34 insertions(+)
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/readme.md
 create mode 100644 wc-tool/wc-tool-1.0.jar

diff --git a/wc-tool/.gitignore b/wc-tool/.gitignore
index 837c776..0524b4f 100644
--- a/wc-tool/.gitignore
+++ b/wc-tool/.gitignore
@@ -28,6 +28,7 @@ gradle-app.setting
 
 # Avoid ignoring Gradle wrapper jar file (.jar files are usually ignored)
 !gradle-wrapper.jar
+!wc-tool-1.0.jar
 
 # virtual machine crash logs, see http://www.java.com/en/download/help/error_hotspot.xml
 hs_err_pid*
diff --git a/wc-tool/readme.md b/wc-tool/readme.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dd88ed3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/wc-tool/readme.md
@@ -0,0 +1,33 @@
+### Challenge 1 - Wc-Tool
+
+This challenge corresponds to the first part of the Coding Challenges series by John Crickett https://codingchallenges.fyi/challenges/challenge-wc.
+
+### Description
+The WC tool is written in Java. The Jar is used to count the number of words, lines, bytes and characters in a file/stdin.
+
+### Build Jar
+Clone the project and build the jar, Otherwise I have also added the jar also which can be used directly. Read the usage section.
+
+````
+./gradlew clean build
+````
+Go to build/libs folder and find the jar named as wc-tool-1.0.jar
+
+### Usage
+You can use ts-node to run the tool as follows:
+
+````
+java -jar _**JARNAME**_ [option] filename
+````
+
+The following options are supported:
+
+-w: prints the number of words in the file
+-l: prints the number of lines in the file
+-c: prints the number of bytes in the file
+-m: prints the number of characters in the file
+The tool can also be used in stdin mode as follows:
+
+````
+cat filename | java -jar _**JARNAME**_ [option]
+````
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/wc-tool/wc-tool-1.0.jar b/wc-tool/wc-tool-1.0.jar
new file mode 100644
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From eb90bc83803b4c67796e823c33255d8305e92bb3 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001
From: GauravGuptaDeveloper <gauravit1996@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, 9 Oct 2023 09:46:57 +0530
Subject: [PATCH 5/5] Removed input.txt

---
 wc-tool/input.txt | 2 --
 1 file changed, 2 deletions(-)
 delete mode 100644 wc-tool/input.txt

diff --git a/wc-tool/input.txt b/wc-tool/input.txt
deleted file mode 100644
index 918f23a..0000000
--- a/wc-tool/input.txt
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,2 +0,0 @@
-Hi Sir. Tzŭ
-